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CONVERSATIONS    WITH 
PRINCE   BISMARCK 


i>4^u  ^i/^u:  a" 


CONVERSATIONS 

WITH 

PRINCE   BISMARCK 

COLLECTED    BY 

HEINRICH    VON    POSCHINGER 

ENGLISH  EDITION 
EDITED,   WITH    AN   INTRODUCTION,   BY 

SIDNEY    WHITMAN 


LONDON    AND    NEW   YORK 

HARPER    &    BROTHERS 

45,   ALBEMARLE   STREET,   W. 

1900 


',3 


-9 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTEB  PAOB 

Inteoduction vii 

I.    The  Chancellor  in  the  Franco-German  War     .  1 

II.    Further  Conversations  and  Interviews      .        .  75 

III.  Bismarck  and  his  Master 188 

IV.  Bismarck  on  Politics 208 

V.    Commerce  and  Colonies 230 

VI.    Bismarck  and  his  Fellow- workers      .        .        .  245 

Vir/  In  Lighter  Vein 262 

Index 296 


284053 


"  Es  ist  ja  nichts  auf  dieser  Erden 
Als  Gaukelei  und  Taschenspiel ; 
Wie  auch  die  Menschen  sich  gebarden 
Der  Kluge  giebt  darauf  nicht  viel."  * 

[Written  in  the  Album  of  Frau  Julie  von  Massow.] 

V.  BISMARCK-SCHONHAUSEN. 

Berlin,  25th  February,  1850. 


* 


"Nothing  exists  upon  this  earth 
But  sleight  of  hand  and  trickster's  arts; 
And  wisdom  counts  it  httle  worth 
To  reckon  on  man's  outward  parts." 


«01 


INTRODUCTION 

The  contents  of  the  present  volume  have  been  almost 
entirely  selected  from  five  of  the  latest  bulky  publica- 
tions *  of  Heinrich  von  Poschinger,  the  most  industrious, 
as  well  as  perhaps  the  most  trustworthy,  of  those 
German  writers  who  have  devoted  themselves  to  the 
compilation  of  the  history  of  Prince  Bismarck's  career. 
And  if  I  say  "  most  trustworthy,"  it  is  not  that  I  wish 
to  minimize  the  work  of  others ;  but  that  Herr  von 
Poschinger,  who  has  been  for  many  years  Privy  Coun- 
cillor in  the  Beichsamt  des  Innern,  is  the  only  man  of 
letters  who,  since  the  death  of  Germany's  distinguished 
historian,  Heinrich  von  Sybel,  has  had  free  access  to 
the  Prussian  official  records.  And  so,  if  at  first  sight 
it  may  excite  surprise  that  among  the  material  here 
presented  to  the  reader,  there  should  be  included 
interviews  with  journalists,  accounts   of  promiscuous 

*  "  Bismarck-Portefeuille,"  vol.  i.-iv.,  Heinrich  von  Poschinger 
(Stuttgart,  1898-99);  "Bismarck  Neue  Tischgespr'ache  und  Inter- 
views," Heinrich  von  Poschinger  (Stuttgart,  1899);  John  Booth, 
"  Personliche  Erinnerungen  an  Fiirst  Bismarck,"  Herausgegeben  von 
H.  von  Poschinger  (Hamburg,  1899). 


viii  Introduction 

conversations  whicli  Bismarck  held  with  friend  and  foe, 
it  must  be  remembered  that  these  have  been  deemed 
by  a  thoroughly  competent  judge  to  be  not  only 
authoritative  sources  of  information,  but  also  to  de- 
serve a  permanent  place  among  the  records  of  the 
life  of  the  maker  of  modem  Germany.  This  test 
of  authority  is  their  hall-mark,  whereas  their  intrinsic 
value  may  be  best  summed  up,  perhaps,  in  the  words 
of  the  Times  (1879) :  "  The  sparks  of  wisdom  which 
Prince  Bismarck  was  in  the  habit  of  emitting  at  his 
soirSes  will  one  day  yet  have  a  higher  value  than  the 
longest  debates  in  Parliament." 

Now  that  the  great  statesman  is  at  rest,  and  the 
acrimonious  bickerings  which  were  aroused  after  his 
death  have  passed  into  silence,  the  day  is  drawing  nigh 
— and  it  promises  to  be  a  long  one — in  which  every- 
thing worth  preserving,  every  flash  from  that  unique 
mind,  may  be  expected  to  be  read  and  appreciated 
for  its  inherent  human  interest.  Much  has  been 
already  given  to  the  world — previous  conversations 
with  Bismarck  among  the  rest — last  and  greatest, 
his  own  Keminiscences  and  Eeflections.  But  here, 
together  with  some  of  his  most  important  political 
conversations,  will  be  found,  for  the  first  time  in  book 
form,  the  most  remarkable  of  the  interviews  which 
startled  the  world  after  Bismarck's  dismissal  in  1890. 
They  are  gathered  together — sentiments  and  opinions 
— rugged  and  even  brutal  in  their  directness,  as  the 


Introduction  ix 

parrying  thrusts  of  a  great  gladiator  may  well  appear, 
when  standing  alone  and  fighting  for  his  honour  and 
dignity  in  an  age  not  particularly  noted  for  moral 
courage,  or  indeed  for  any  other  form  of  sincerity. 
Here  is  indeed  human  tragedy:  humour,  sarcasm, 
pathos,  pity,  every  manifestation  of  a  great  heart,  side 
by  side  with  calm  disquisitions  upon  the  most  im- 
portant political  problems  which  interest  mankind  in 
every  clime.  Many  of  the  keen  shafts  and  sallies  here 
collected,  have  been  flashed  to  the  ends  of  the  Earth 
within  a  few  hours  of  their  utterance,  have  given  work 
to  thousands  of  type-setters,  and  absorbed  the  interest 
of  millions  of  readers. 

All  this  might  indeed  be  said  of  the  utterance  of 
many  public  men  in  our  age  of  electricity ;  but  here 
the  parallel  ends.  For  whereas  "  the  man  of  the  day  " 
is  often  but  the  faint  shadow  of  the  morrow  and  the 
unrecognizable  dead  of  the  day  after,  the  pregnant 
thoughts  of  this  political  genius  gain  strength  and 
meaning  with  the  passage  of  time.  A  mere  glance 
at  the  present  volume  will  suffice  to  prove  the  truth 
of  this;  for,  on  almost  every  page  are  discussions  of 
weighty  political  problems,  and  no  topic  is  touched 
without  being  enriched  by  some  apergu,  in  many  cases 
unerringly  prophetic. 

It  is  not,  then,  too  much  to  say  that  in  years  to 
come  men  of  all  countries,  who  are  interested  in  the 
difficult  art  of  politics  as  demonstrated  by  one  of  the 


X  Introduction 

greatest  political  artists  that  ever  lived,  will  turn  anew 
to  the  story  of  Bismarck's  life  and  find  essential 
material  in  these  collected  conversations. 

It  is  well  known  that  in  the  last  years  of  his  life 
Prince  Bismarck  was  anxiously  preoccupied  with  the 
future  of  the  Empire  in  whose  creation  he  had 
so  large  a  share.  It  was  not  his  ambition  that 
Germany  should  domineer  the  world,  nor  even  that 
she  should  excel  other  nations  in  the  tricks  of  the 
money-market,  highly  as  he  valued  a  nation's  material 
prosperity  as  a  means  and  an  indication  of  progress. 
His  aim  was  rather  to  secure  Germany  from  foreign 
interference  with  her  free  development  as  one  of  the 
great  civilizing  forces  of  the  world  —  who  knows 
whether  in  the  future  not  the  greatest  of  them 
all  ?  Not  as  a  conqueror,  1jm  as  a  guardian  of  law, 
order,  and  peace,  was  it  Bismarck's  wish  that  Ger- 
many should  thrive;  as  a  country  in  which,  true  to 
the  motto  of  the  Hohenzollern,  Suum  Cuique,  every- 
body, rich  or  poor,  should  be  entitled  to  his  own,  not 
merely  to  the  bare  measure  of  human  justice,  but  also 
to  a  few  rays  of  sunshine.  The  foundation  of  the 
State  should  be  one  of  an  ethical  character,  with 
equity  for  its  keystone,  and  the  principle  underlying 
its  wider  policy:  "  Niemand  zu  Lieb,  Niemand  zu 
Leid"  (to  favour  nobody,  to  harm  nobody).  And 
that  this  standard  of  the  great  statesman  was  no 
mere  cant  is  best  shown  by  the  fact  that,  of  all  the 


Introduction  xi 

great  Powers,  Germany  is  the  only  one  wMch  has  been 
uninterruptedly  at  peace  with  the  world  for  the  last 
thirty  years.  If  Prince  Bismarck's  ideas  prevail,  Ger- 
many may  well  remain  at  peace  for  the  next  fifty 
years,  and  find  her  noblest  mission  in  the  development 
of  those  qualities  and  institutions  which  seem  destined 
to  make  her  as  much  the  pioneer  of  social  progress,  as 
she  is  already  the  leader  in  the  domains  of  scientific 
research  and  practical  philosophy. 

SIDNEY  WHITMAN, 


CONVERSATIONS    WITH 
PRINCE    BISMARCK 

I 

THE  CHANCELLOR  IN  THE   FRANCO- 
GERMAN  WAR 

The  greatness  of  character,  the  concentration  of  purpose, 
and  the  diplomatic  genius  displayed  by  Prince  Bismarck 
during  the  war  of  1870-71  have  not  yet,  perhaps,  been 
fully  realized  by  the  rising  generation,  most  of  whom 
are  inclined  to  lose  sight  of  the  difficulties  of  this 
portion  of  the  Chancellor's  work  in  the  overwhelming 
successes  achieved  by  the  German  armies.  It  is,  there- 
fore, not  out  of  place  to  collect  a  few  conversations 
and  interviews  with  Bismarck  during  this  momentous 
period. 

At  the  very  commencement  of  the  war  it  was 
evident  that  there  existed  in  certain  circles  a  slowly 
growing  opposition  towards  the  Chancellor.  General 
von  Hartmann,  who  was  present  at  the  departure  of 
the  King  and  his  suite  from  Berlin  on  July  31,  1870, 
wrote  as  follows : — 


2c^  -CQaversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

"  Bismarck  also  accompanied  them.  He  was  looking 
extraordinarily  well,  and  was  most  merry  and  good- 
humoured  ;  his  powerful  eyes  sparkled  with  pride  and 
pleasure;  I,  too,  shook  hands  with  him.  I  did  not 
see  Moltke;  he  is  said  to  have  looked  as  absolutely 
indifferent  as  ever.  What  nerves  that  man  must 
have!  I  also  witnessed  Bismarck  taking  leave  of 
Manteuffel,  whom  he  approached  with  a  hearty  ex- 
pression, as  though  he  wished  to  shake  hands  before 
setting  out  on  this  decisive  journey;  but  Manteuffel 
greeted  him  very  coolly,  and  Bismarck's  manner 
changed  at  once.  They  shook  hands  without  any 
cordiality;  their  relations  to  one  another  remained 
unaltered.  Manteuffel  is  said  to  be  terribly  ex- 
cited, and  to  use  the  strongest  expressions  about 
trivialities.  His  entourage  finds  itself  in  a  difficult 
position." 

As  the  Koyal  Headquarters  left  Berlin,  Bismarck 
involuntarily  overheard  a  loud  conversation,  carried 
on  in  the  adjoining  compartment.  General  von 
Podbielski  laid  particular  stress  upon  the  fact  that 
care  had  this  time  been  taken  to  prevent  Bismarck 
interfering  in  military  matters.  Von  Eoon,  the  Minister 
of  War,  who  was  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Chancellor, 
interposed  almost  bashfully,  "  But  surely  he  must  know 
when  he  has  to  make  peace." 

In  order  to  maintain  connection  with  the  German 
press.  Prince  Bismarck  invited  Ludwig  Bamberger  to 
accompany  the  Eoyal  Headquarters,  and  to  this  we  owe 
much  valuable  information  about  the  Chancellor's  daily 
life  during  this  momentous  period. 

Their  first  conversation,  which  took  place  upon  the 


The  Franco-German  War  3 

7th  of  August,  turned  eventually  on  the  method  by 
which  the  unity  of  Germany  was  to  be  the  outcome  of 
the  war. 

Bismarck  touched  on  this  subject  with  caution,  and 
was  particularly  concerned  in  maintaining  a  good  under- 
standing with  the  several  Federal  sovereigns ;  Prussia 
must  not  allow  itself  to  appear  as  if  it  wished  to 
utilize  the  occasion  for  the  purpose  of  robbing  the 
German  Governments  after  they,  and  in  particular  the 
Bavarians,  had  decided  upon  war.  In  the  event  of 
success,  he  intended  (although  his  views  on  this  point 
wavered  during  the  campaign)  to  unite  Alsace  and 
Metz  to  Baden  as  a  Beichsland;  and  yet  Baden  must 
not  become  any  larger,  for  the  more  small  states  there 
were,  the  more  easily  would  the  unity  be  cemented. 
He  had  even  incorporated  Waldeck  in  Prussia  with 
reluctance;  the  correct  policy,  he  said,  was  to  spare 
the  various  dynasties.  That  France  would  probably 
become  a  republic  after  the  first  few  defeats,  was  a 
prospect  quite  to  his  liking ;  the  only  question  would 
be,  with  whom  to  conclude  a  peace-treaty  when  once 
the  Empire  had  been  overturned  ? 

The  day  after  this  conversation  Bismarck  gave 
Bamberger  copies  of  Benedetti's  autograph  letter  and 
draft  of  the  secret  projet  de  traite  of  August  5,  1866, 
in  which  parts  of  Ehenish  Prussia,  Bavaria  and  Hesse 
were  demanded  by  France.  The  Chancellor  mentioned 
that  Benedetti  had  remarked,  "  Si  non,  c'est  la  guerre." 
And  that  he  (Bismarck)  had  replied  that  that  was 
absurd.  Whereupon  Benedetti  retorted,  "  Si  non,  c'est 
la  perte  de  la  dynastie." 

A   curious  incident,   during    the   Chancellor's   stay 


4     Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

in   Bar  le  Due,  is  mentioned  by  the  French  author, 
Louis  Ulbach — 

"  Von  Bismarck  found  time  during  the  march  of  the 
German  armies  on  Sedan  to  discuss  the  merits  of 
German  and  French  education  with  the  masters  of  the 
Bar-le-Duc  gij^nnasium,  who  had  remained  behind.  It 
was  the  eve  of  the  last  effort — the  final  crisis;  and 
our  great  enemy,  with  the  intention  of  defeating  us 
simultaneously  on  all  sides,  inspected  the  gymnasium 
on  August  28,  1870,  inquiring  about  the  number  of 
lessons  and  the  standard  of  the  studies.  This  visit, 
reported  by  the  master  of  the  ffijmnasium,  appears  to 
me  to  have  a  special  importance,  though  Bismarck 
does  not  mention  it,  and  his  historian,  Moritz  Busch, 
seems  to  know  nothing  about  it.  During  this  inspection 
the  Chancellor  emphatically  censured  the  boarding- 
house  system,  which  separates  a  child  from  its  parents. 
He  admitted  that  the  German  universities  permitted 
too  much  freedom;  but  he  seemed  to  prefer  noisy 
liberty  for  the  young  to  the  uniformity  and  enervation 
of  French  seclusion.  He  thought  it  curious  that 
ground-glass  should  be  used  for  the  windows;  that 
the  boys  in  the  class-rooms  were  not  allowed  to  look 
out  upon  the  sky  and  open  spaces ;  and  that  spyholes 
were  made  in  the  doors  to  surprise  and  pry  upon  the 
pupils.  Bismarck  even  found  fault  with  the  pews  in 
the  chapel,  which  did  not  face  the  choir,  but  were 
arranged  along  'the  side,  so  that  the  boys  could 
not  see  the  services  they  attended.  After  inspecting 
and  criticizing  everything,  he  partook  of  a  glass  of 
Kirschwasser,  pledged  the  peace,  declaring  at  the  same 
time  that  he  had  little  belief  in  it,  and  left  to  hasten 


The  Franco-German  War  .  5 

the  arrival  of  the  German  army  on  the  last  battlefield 
of  the  Empire." 

Commencing  with  the  capitulation  of  Sedan,  a  series 
of  most  interesting  and  valuable  interviews  are  recorded, 
not  by  the  hands  of  devoted  subordinates,  but  by  those 
to  whom  Bismarck's  success  meant  ruin  and  defeat. 

Captain  D' Greet,  of  the  4th  French  Cuirassiers,  after 
describing  in  his  Recit  militaire  the  meeting  of  the 
generals  empowered  to  negotiate  the  surrender  of  the 
French  army  after  Sedan,  continues — 

"We  were  grouped  as  follows.  In  the  centre  of  the 
room  stood  a  square  table  with  a  red  cloth.  At  one 
side  of  this  table  sat  General  von  Moltke,  with  Bis- 
marck on  his  left,  and  General  von  Blumenthal  on  his 
right.  At  the  opposite  side  of  the  table  sat  General 
Wimpffen  in  advance  and  quite  alone ;  behind  him  and 
almost  in  shadow  were  General  Castelnau,  General  Faure, 
and  the  remaining  French  officers.  In  the  same  room 
were  also  seven  or  eight  Prussian  officers,  one  of  whom, 
at  a  sign  from  General  von  Blumenthal,  went  to  the 
stove  and,  leaning  upon  it,  took  notes  of  all  that  was 
said. 

When  every  one  was  seated,  there  was  a  momentary 
silence.  It  was  clear  that  General  Wimpffen  did  not 
quite  know  how  to  open  the  conversation;  but,  as 
General  von  Moltke  made  no  attempt  to  begin,  he 
decided  to  do  so  himself. 

"  I  wish  to  know,"  he  said,  "  what  terms  of  capitula- 
tion His  Majesty  the  King  of  Prussia  is  disposed  to 
offer  to  us." 

"  The  conditions  are  very  simple,"  replied  General 
von  Moltke :    "  all  the    troops,  with  their  arms   and 


6     Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

baggage,  will  be  made  prisoners ;  the  officers  will  retain 
their  arms  as  a  mark  of  respect  for  the  courage  they 
have  shown,  but  will  become  prisoners  of  war  like  the 
non-commissioned  officers  and  men." 

General  Wimpffen  complained  that  these  terms  were 
too  hard,  and  pleaded  that  the  army  should  be  allowed 
to  withdraw  to  the  interior  of  France,  or  to  Algeria, 
on  condition  that  it  took  no  further  share  in  the  war. 
As  Moltke  declined  to  entertain  any  such  proposal,  the 
French  commander  appealed  to  the  generosity  of  the 
Germans  on  his  own  behalf,  pointing  out  that  he  had 
only  arrived  on  the  battlefield  in  time  to  take  over  the 
command.  General  Wimpffen  concluded  by  announc- 
ing that  he  would  appeal  to  the  sense  of  honour  of 
his  troops,  and  either  force  his  way  out  or  defend 
Sedan. 

At  this  point  Moltke  interrupted  him.  "  Believe  me, 
I  entertain  the  greatest  respect  for  you ;  I  quite  under- 
stand your  position ;  but  I  regret  that  I  can  concede 
nothing  that  you  demand.  As  regards  an  attempt  to 
force  your  way  out,  that  is  as  impossible  as  to  defend 
Sedan.  No  doubt  you  have  excellent  troops,  your 
picked  infantry  is  very  good,  your  cavalry  is  daring  and 
fearless,  your  artillery  is  admirable  and  has  inflicted 
heavy — far  too  heavy  losses  upon  us;  but  the  greater 
part  of  your  infantry  is  discouraged ;  we  have  taken 
more  than  20,000  unwounded  prisoners  to-day."  He 
then  proceeded  to  describe  briefly  the  overwhelming 
numbers  and  superiority  of  the  German  forces,  and 
concluded  by  offering  to  allow  a  French  officer  to  verify 
his  statement  as  to  their  position  and  strength. 

General  Wimpffen  then  tried  a  new  tack.     He  urged 


The  Franco-German  War  7 

the  German  representatives  not  to  press  their  ad- 
vantages too  far,  and  warned  them  against  a  course 
which  must  lead  to  an  endless  struggle  between  Prussia 
and  France. 

Von  Bismarck  now  joined  in  the  discussion. 

"Your  reasoning,  General,  at  first  appears  well 
founded,  but  as  a  matter  of  fact  it  is  not  so.  Generally 
speaking,  one  can  rarely  reckon  on  gratitude — never  on 
the  gratitude  of  a  nation ;  one  can  put  some  trust  in  the 
gratitude  of  a  sovereign,  and  also  in  that  of  his  family ; 
under  certain  conditions,  one  can  even  rely  upon  it  with 
confidence;  but,  I  repeat,  one  must  not  expect  any- 
thing from  the  gratitude  of  a  nation.  If  the  French 
people  were  a  nation  like  other  nations,  if  it  preserved 
firmly  established  institutions,  if  it  regarded  those 
institutions  with  reverence  and  respect,  as  we  do,  if  the 
throne  of  its  ruler  was  stable,  we  might  then  reckon  on 
the  gratitude  of  the  Emperor  and  his  son,  and  attach  a 
definite  value  to  that  gratitude.  But  for  the  last  eighty 
years  the  forms  of  Government  in  France  have  had  so 
little  stability,  they  have  been  so  numerous,  they  have 
vacillated  with  such  estranging  rapidity,  and  their 
changes  have  lain  so  completely  beyond  the  bounds  of 
expectation,  that  one  can  reckon  on  nothing  in  your 
country,  and  it  would  be  an  act  of  folly  for  a  neighbour- 
ing nation  to  found  hopes  on  the  friendship  of  any 
French  sovereign.  To  do  so  would  be  to  build  a  house 
of  glass.  Moreover,  it  would  be  foolish  to  suppose  that 
France  could  ever  forgive  our  successes.  Your  nation 
is  excitable,  envious,  jealous,  and  proud  beyond  mea- 
sure. France  has  declared  war  with  Prussia — with 
Germany,"  he  added,  correcting  himself,  "  thirty  times 


8     Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

within  two  centuries.  On  tliis  occasion,  as  before,  the 
war  arose  from  jealousy  because  you  could  not  forgive 
us  the  victory  of  Sadowa,  though  it  cost  you  nothing, 
and  in  no  way  detracted  from  your  reputation.  But 
you  thought  that  the  glory  of  war  was  something  to 
which  you  alone  were  entitled ;  you  would  not  tolerate 
near  you  a  nation  that  was  your  equal.  You  believed 
yourselves  unable  to  forgive  us  Sadowa — you  will  never 
be  able  to  forgive  us  Sedan !  If  we  made  peace  now, 
you  would  resume  the  war  in  five  or  ten  years,  as  soon 
as  you  thought  you  were  strong  enough;  and  that 
would  be  all  the  thanks  we  could  expect  from  the 
French  nation.  Our  nation  is  the  opposite  of  yours — 
honest  and  peaceable,  not  consumed  with  a  lust  of 
conquest,  and  only  asking  for  peace.  We  wish  to 
secure  peace  for  our  children,  and  in  order  to  achieve 
this,  we  must  set  a  barrier  between  ourselves  and  you. 
We  need  a  strip  of  .land  and  a  chain  of  fortresses 
which  will  continue  to  protect  us  against  the  attacks 
of  France."/ 

The  French  commander  protested  against  this  criticism 
of  his  countrymen,  and  assured  the  Chancellor  that 
the  diatribes  of  a  few  journalists  did  not  represent  the 
true  feeling  of  the  nation.  The  Frenchman  of  1870 
was  more  intent  on  making  money  and  living  in  comfort 
than  on  seeking  military  glory.  The  old  hatred  of 
England  had  died  out,  and  so  would  the  bitter  feeling 
towards  Germany,  provided  that  unseasonable  severity 
did  not  inflame  forgotten  passions. 

Bismarck  at  once  replied — 

"  There  I  must  interrupt  you.  General.  No ;  France 
is  the  same  as  she  always  was.     France  wanted  this 


The  Franco-German  War  9 

war,  and  the  Emperor  Napoleon  declared  it  in  order  to 
establish  his  dynasty  more  securely.  We  know  well 
enough  that  the  reasonable  and  healthy  section  in  France 
did  not  urge  on  this  war.  Still  it  accepted  the  idea 
willingly.  We  also  know  that  the  army  was  not  the 
element  most  hostile  towards  us  in  France :  the  section 
in  France  which  forced  on  this  war  was  rather  that 
section  which  makes  and  unmakes  the  various  govern- 
ments :  the  mob  and  the  journalists/'  and  he  laid 
special  emphasis  on  these  words,  "  deserve  punishment. 
We  must  advance  as  far  as  Paris.  Who  knows  what 
may  yet  happen?  Perhaps  you  will  be  establishing 
one  of  those  governments  to  which  nothing  is  holy, 
and  which  will  make  laws  as  it  pleases.  Such  a  govern- 
ment would  decline  to  recognize  the  capitulation  which 
you  had  concluded  to-day  in  the  name  of  the  army. 
It  would  perhaps  force  the  officers  to  break  word  of 
honour  they  had  given  to  us,  for,  in  any  case,  it  would 
wish  to  defend  itself  to  the  last.  We  know  well  that 
France  places  soldiers  in  the  field  quickly ;  but  these 
young  troops  are  not  the  equals  of  veteran  forces,  and, 
moreover,  the  corps  of  officers  cannot  be  improvised  ;  no, 
nor  even  the  non-commissioned  officers.  We  desire 
peace,  but  it  must  be  a  lasting  peace,  and  under  the 
conditions  which  I  have  already  mentioned.  The 
fortune  of  war  has  placed  the  best  soldiers  and  the  best 
officers  of  the  French  army  in  our  hands;  to  restore 
them  to  liberty  of  our  own  free  will  would  be  madness, 
and  would  prolong  the  war.  Such  a  course  is  opposed 
to  the  interest  of  our  nations.  No,  General ;  no  matter 
how  much  we  sympathize  with  your  own  situation,  or 
y  how  flattering  our  opinion  of  your  army  may  be,  we 


10    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

cannot  comply  with  your  wish  and  alter  the  conditions 
offered  to  you." 

"  Very  well,"  replied  General  Wimpffen,  with  dignity. 
*'  It  is  impossible  for  me  to  sign  such  a  capitulation  ;  we 
will  resume  the  struggle." 

General  Castelnau  now  remarked,  with  some  hesita- 
tion— 

"  I  think  the  time  has  arrived  to  deliver  the  Emperor's 
message." 

"  We  are  listening  to  you,  General,"  observed  Bis- 
marck. 

"  The  Emperor  has  commissioned  me  to  tell  his 
Majesty  the  King  of  Prussia,  that  he  has  sent  him  his 
sword,  and  surrenders  to  him  unconditionally.  He  does 
this,  however,  in  the  hope  that  the  King,  touched  by  so 
complete  a  surrender,  will  pay  a  full  tribute  to  it,  and 
grant  the  French  army  a  more  honourable  capitula- 
tion." 

"  Is  that  all  ?  "  asked  Bismarck. 

"Yes." 

"  But  which  sword  is  it  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon 
III.  has  surrendered  ?  Is  it  the  sword  of  France,  or  his 
own  sword  ?  If  it  is  the  sword  of  France,  the  conditions 
might  be  considerably  modified,  and  your  mission  would 
then  assume  a  most  serious  complexion." 

"It  is  only  the  sword  of  the  Emperor,"  replied 
Castelnau. 

"  In  that  case-  the  conditions  will  undergo  no  change," 
Moltke  remarked  quickly,  almost  joyfully.  "The 
Emperor  himself  will  receive  everything  that  he  desires." 

The  spectators  of  this  scene  received  the  impres- 
sion that  a  secret  difference  of  opinion  existed  between 


The  Franco-German  War  1 1 

Bismarck  and  Moltke,  and  that,  whilst  the  former  would 
willingly  have  allowed  the  war  to  end  at  once,  the  latter 
wished  to  continue  it. 

"We  shall  renew  the  battle,"  repeated  General 
Wimpffen. 

"The  truce  expires  at  4  a.m.  to-morrow,"  replied 
General  von  Moltke.  "  I  shall  open  fire  punctually  at 
four  o'clock." 

All  the  generals  and  officers  rose  from  their  seats  amid 
an  icy  silence :  the  words  "  I  shall  open  fire  punctually 
at  four  o'clock  "  seemed  still  to  ring  in  their  ears. 

Bismarck,  however,  turned  to  General  Wimpffen. 
"  Yes,  General,  you  command  brave  and  heroic  soldiers, 
and  I  do  not  doubt  that  they  will  display  brilliant 
courage  to-morrow  and  inflict  severe  losses  upon  us. 
But  of  what  use  will  that  be  ?  You  will  have  achieved 
no  more  to-morrow  evening  than  you  have  to-day,  and 
you  will  only  have  upon  your  conscience  the  blood  of 
your  soldiers  and  of  our  own  which  you  have  shed  so 
uselessly.  Do  not  allow  your  momentary  displeasure 
to  cause  you  to  break  off  our  conversation.  General 
von  Moltke  will,  I  hope,  convince  you  that  to  attempt 
further  resistance  would  be  madness." 

The  company  then  resumed  their  seats,  and  General 
von  Moltke  again  assured  the  French  commander  that 
even  the  best  troops  could  not  force  their  way  through 
the  German  lines.  Wimpffen  hazarded  the  suggestion 
that  possibly  the  German  positions  were  not  so  strong 
as  they  were  represented  to  be,  but  received  the  crushing 
retort  that  the  French  were  no  doubt  better  acquainted 
with  the  topography  of  Germany  than  of  France. 

These  memorable  negotiations  then  closed  by  General 


12    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

Moltke  according  the  French  an  extension  of  the  tnice 
from  4  a.m.  to  9  a.m.,  on  the  suggestion  of  the  Chancellor, 
in  order  to  allow  a  French  council  of  war  to  be  held.  A 
few  hours  later  the  capitulation  was  signed,  and  the 
French  army  became  prisoners  of  war. 

The  following  entry  in  the  diary  of  the  Crown  Prince 
(afterwards  Emperor  Frederick  II.)  was  penned  at 
Donchery  on  the  3rd  of  September,  1870  : — 

"A  visit  from  Bismarck.  We  retain  Alsace  under 
German  administration  for  the  '  Bund/  or  Empire.  The 
Empire  idea  was  barely  touched  upon ;  I  noticed  that  he 
was  only  in  favour  of  it  conditionally,  and  I  took  care 
not  to  insist.  Altogether  I  am  convinced  that  it  must 
come  to  this ;  our  development  turns  on  it,  and  cannot 
be  brought  about  more  favourably  than  by  means  of  this 
victory." 

This  interview  is  apparently  the  one  to  which  Bis- 
marck referred  during  a  conversation  with  Moritz  Busch 
at  Friederichsruh  on  the  26th  of  September,  1888,  as 
follows : — 

"  It  was  either  before  or  immediately  after  Sedan — 
at  Beaumont  or  Donchery — and  our  conversation  took 
place  in  a  long  avenue.  We  were  riding  side  by  side. 
Our  views  as  to  what  was  possible  and  what  was 
morally  permissible  brought  us  into  direct  conflict; 
and,  as  he  suggested  using  force  and  forcible  measures 
against  the  Bavarians,  I  reminded  him  of  Margrave  Gero 
and  the  thirty  Wendish  princes,  and  also  of  the  murder- 
ous night  of  Sendling.  It  would  be  a  breach  of  faith, 
cruelty,  and  treachery  to  allies  who  had  done  their  duty, 
quite  apart  from  the  folly  of  making  the  attempt  when 
we  still  had  need  of  them." 


The  Franco-German  War  13 

Barely  three  weeks  later,  September  20,  1870,  a 
remarkable  interview  took  place  between  Bismarck  and 
M.  Eegnier,*  who  was  endeavouring  to  negotiate  a  treaty 
of  peace  between  Prussia  and  the  Napoleonic  Dynasty. 

Arriving  at  Ferrieres  from  Hastings  at  10  a.m.,  M. 
Eegnier  found  little  difficulty  in  obtaining  a  private 
interview  with  the  Chancellor.  The  credentials  of  the 
Napoleonic  agent  consisted  of  a  photographic  view  of 
Hastings,  on  which  the  Prince  Imperial  had  written — 

"  My  dear  Papa, — I  send  you  a  view  of  Hastings ; 
I  hope  it  will  please  you.— Louis  Napoleon." 

When  Bismarck  had  carefully  examined  it,  M.  Eegnier, 
with  a  searching  expression,  asked  for  a  passport  to 
enable  him  to  go  to  "Wilhelmshohe  to  hand  the  photo- 
graph to  the  Emperor.  After  a  brief  silence,  the 
Chancellor  remarked — 

"  Our  position  is  as  follows.  With  whom  can  we 
negotiate,  and  what  can  be  offered  to  us  ?  It  is  our  firm 
determination  to  utilize  the  present  situation  so  as  to 
avoid  another  war  with  Prance  in  the  future,  or  at  least 
for  a  very  long  time  to  come ;  therefore  a  rectification 
of  the  French  frontier  is  indispensable  for  us.  More- 
over, we  are  confronted  by  two  Governments,  one  de 
facto  and  one  de  jure;  we  cannot  alter  their  position, 
and  it  is  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  for  us  to  negotiate 
with  either  of  them. 

*'The  neutral  Powers  would  be  glad  to  have  the 

situation  cleared  up.     The  Empress  Eegent  has  quitted 

the  country,  and  she  has  given  no  sign  of  life  since ; 

a  few  words  of  mine  during  an  interview  at  which 

*  "  Quel  est  votr©  nom  ?    M.  or  N." 


14    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

MM.  de  Castelnau  and  Pietri  were  present,  might 
have  given  rise  to  serious  pour  parlers,  if  that  had 
been  their  intention,  but  they  do  not  seem  to  have 
wished  to  understand  my  meaning. 

"  The  provisional  Government  for  the  Defence  either 
will  not  or  cannot  accept  this  condition  of  a  cession 
of  territory,  but  proposes  an  armistice  to  enable  them 
to  put  the  question  to  the  French  nation.  We  can 
easily  wait.  We  have  400,000  men  here,  living  on 
the  occupied  and  conquered  districts ;  when  Metz  and 
the  other  towns  have  surrendered,  we  shall  have 
500,000  to  600,000  men;  they  can  bivouac  in  this 
way  throughout  the  winter.  As  soon  as  we  are  met 
by  a  Government  de  facto  ct  de  jure^  which  is  able 
to  negotiate  on  the  basis  proposed  by  us,  we  shall 
negotiate.  For  the  present  we  have  no  occasion  to 
communicate  our  demands  regarding  the  cession  of 
territory,  since  the  suggestion  has  been  declined  in 
totor 

M.  Regnier  replied  that  he  thought  the  Empress 
should  have  returned  to  the  fleet  or  to  her  country — 
she  might  yet  do  so — and  issue  a  proclamation;  but 
the  fear  of  appearing  to  hinder  the  national  defence 
had  dissuaded  her  from  doing  so  for  dynastic  reasons. 

The  Chancellor  interrupted  him — 

"  That  is  true  enough ;  but  the  past  lies  behind  us, 
let  us  occupy  ourselves  with  the  present.  So  far  as 
that  is  concern-ed,  we  should  be  happy  to  accept  easier 
conditions  than  those  to  which  the  Defence  Committee 
in  Paris  could  openly  agree.  Bazaine  and  Uhrich 
would  act  in  the  name  of  the  Imperial  Government  in 
the  event  of  a  capitulation." 


The  Franco-German  War  15 

He  further  informed  the  agent  that  Jules  Favre 
thought  he  could  reckon  on  the  garrison  of  Metz. 
M.  Eegnier  at  once  offered  to  go  to  Metz. 

"If  you  had  arrived  eight,  or  even  four,  days  ago, 
you  would  have  been  in  time;  now  I  am  afraid  it  is 
too  late." 

Then,  with  a  glance  at  his  watch,  he  remarked  that 
the  hour  appointed  for  the  meeting  with  M.  Favre  had 
long  passed,  and  so  the  interview  came  to  an  end. 
Eegnier  left  on  the  Chancellor's  writing-table  the  first 
number  of  La  Situation,  which  was  published  the 
day  before  he  left  London,  and  observed  he  would 
take  it  again  on  bidding  farewell  to  the  Chancellor 
that  evening. 

At  eight  o'clock  Bismarck  again  received  M.  Eegnier, 
who  proceeded  to  unfold  his  plans.  The  commandants 
of  Metz  and  Strassburg  were  to  be  informed  that,  in 
the  event  of  those  fortresses  being  surrendered,  negotia- 
tions must  be  conducted  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor. 
The  members  of  the  Senate,  the  Legislative  Chambers, 
and  the   Council   of   State  would    be   summoned  by 

proclamation  to   assemble  on   the  at  the   town 

of  .      Another    proclamation  would    inform    the 

nation  that  the  violent  action  of  the  Left  in  seizing 
the  supreme  power  had  forced  on  the  conclusion  of  a 
disadvantageous  peace.  The  patriotism  of  the  Empress 
Eegent  in  leaving  the  country  temporarily  had  pre- 
vented a  civil  war.  Since  the  Provisional  Government 
had  given  way  so  quickly,  it  was  not  necessary  for  so 
large  a  portion  of  France  to  be  devastated  so  terribly 
that  future  generations  would  feel  the  effect.  In  spite 
of  their  victories^  the  enemy  had  caused  less  damage 


1 6    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

in  France  than  had  the  Provisional  Government  round 
Paris,  although  they  had  made  no  defence,  and  had 
merely  busied  themselves  in  deposing  officials.  (Bis- 
marck interrupted  him  here  to  add  his  earnest  con- 
firmation of  this  sentence,  and  spoke  of  the  unnecessary 
vandalism  which  had  demolished  the  bridges  without 
delaying  the  marches  of  the  Germans  by  one  hour.) 
In  view  of  the  expressed  decision  of  the  Committee  of 
National  Defence,  there  was  no  longer  any  reason  for 
its  existence,  and  its  mission  had  in  consequence  come 
to  an  end.  All  imperial  officials  would  therefore 
resume  their  duties  from  the  1st  of  October,  on  which 
date  the  Empress  Eegent  would  again  take  up  the 
reins  of  government,  and  only  such  transactions  as 
were  executed  by  her  authority  would  be  recognized. 
Later  on  the  French  nation  would  be  called  upon  to 
choose  the  form  of  government. 

Bismarck  replied  as  follows  : — 

"Fate  has  decided;  the  delay  in  recognizing  this 
fact  is  not  the  attribute  of  inflexibility,  but  of  vacil- 
lation ;  nothing  can  now  delay  us.  Find  us  some  one 
with  whom  we  can  negotiate,  and  you  will  render  your 
country  a  great  service.  I  will  provide  you  with  a 
general  pass,  which  will  permit  you  to  travel  through 
every  German  country,  including  all  districts  occupied 
by  the  troops;  a  telegram  will  arrive  at  Metz  before 
you  do,  and  facilitate  your  entry  into  the  town.  Will 
you  leave  me  this  first  number  of  La  Situation  ? " 

It  was  now  eleven  o'clock,  and  Bismarck  called  Count 
Hatzfeldt  to  find  quarters  for  M.  Eegnier,  who  preferred 
to  pass  the  night  at  a  locksmith's  to  occupying  the 
room  destined  for  Jules  Favre  the  following  day. 


The  Franco-German  War  17 

A  lieutenant  of  police  brought  M.  Eegnier  his  passport 
at  midnight.     It  ran  as  follows  : — 

"The  Commanders  of  the  allied  troops  are  respect- 
fully requested  to  allow  M.  Eegnier,  who  is  proceeding 
to  Germany  from  here,  to  pass  unhindered  and  to 
facilitate  his  journey  as  far  as  possible. 

"V.  Bismarck. 

«  Ferrieres,  September  20, 1870." 

M.  Eegnier's  second  interview  with  Bismarck  took 
place  at  8  p.m.  on  September  28,  1870,  at  Ferrieres. 
After  relating  his  experiences  at  the  headquarters  of 
Prince  Frederick  Charles,  where  he  received  permission 
to  enter  the  besieged  fortress  of  Metz,  the  Bonapartist 
agent  appears  to  have  treated  the  Chancellor  to  a 
lengthy  exposition  of  his  views  as  to  the  conditions 
of  peace  and  the  probable  future  of  the  political  con- 
figuration of  the  world.  He  concluded  with  an  appeal 
to  the  feelings  of  the  Chancellor. 

Bismarck  replied,  "  The  negotiations  for  an  armistice 
have  been  broken  off.  I  have  found  nothing  but  an 
advocate  in  M.  Jules  Favre.  I  am  surprised  and  sorry 
that  you,  who  appear  to  be  a  practical  man,  after  going 
to  Metz  with  the  certainty  of  being  able  to  return 
without  any  anxiety  regarding  your  papers — a  thing 
which  has  never  before  been  sanctioned — should  return 
without  a  more  formal  proof  of  your  capacity  for 
negotiation  than  a  signed  photograph  of  the  Marshal 
and  a  letter  to  his  wife,  which,  as  I  gather  from  its 
contents,  it  is  agreed  that  you  should  answer.  But, 
my  dear  sir,  I  have  been  a  diplomat  for  more  than 
twelve  years,  and  this  is  not  enough  for  me.     I  am 

c 


1 8    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

sorry,  but  I  find  myself  obliged  to  break  off  all 
further  communication  until  you  have  more  extensive 
powers." 

Eegnier  expressed  his  painful  surprise  and  disap- 
pointment, and  thanked  Bismarck  for  his  kindness 
towards  him. 

The  Chancellor  then  remarked — 

"  I  would  gladly  have  negotiated  with  you  upon  the 
conditions  of  peace,  provided  you  had  been  able  to  treat 
in  the  name  of  the  Marshal  at  the  head  of  80,000  men. 
Have  you  anything  to  say  against  my  sending  the 
following  telegram  to  the  Marshal  ? — 

" '  Does  Marshal  Bazaine  authorize  M.  Eegnier  to 
negotiate  regarding  the  surrender  of  the  Army  of 
Metz  ? ' " 

Eegnier  had  the  words  added,  "  On  the  basis  of  the 
conditions  agreed  upon  with  the  latter." 

Count  Hatzfeldt  later  on  brought  Bazaine's  answer 
to  M.  Eegnier : 

"  I  cannot  answer  this  question  in  the  affirmative. 
I  have  told  M.  Eegnier  that  I  cannot  decide  upon  the 
capitulation  of  the  town  of  Metz." 

Needless  to  say,  this  reply  put  a  stop  to  all  further 
communication  between  Bismarck  and  Eegnier. 

An  attempt  was  made,  between  the  6th  and  9th  of 
October,  1870,  by  General  Burnside  and  Colonel  Forbes 
to  arrange  terms  which  might  lead  to  a  cessation  of 
hostilities.  Before  interviewing  Bismarck,  General 
Burnside  asked  Jules  Favre  for  a  note  referring  to  this 
subject,  but  though  this  was  refused,  the  American  was 
authorized  to  refer  to  their  conversation  in  discussing 
matters  with  the  Chancellor.     Particular  stress  was  to 


The  Franco-German  War  19 

be  laid  upon  two  points — the  integrity  of  French  territory, 
and  an  armistice  for  the  convening  of  the  National 
Assembly. 

On  the  9th  of  October,  Jules  Favre  received  General 
Burnside  on  his  return  from  Versailles.  The  result  of 
his  four  interviews  with  Bismarck  was  as  follows : — 

The  necessity  of  convening  the  National  Assembly 
was  fully  recognized,  but  could  only  be  granted  on  the 
following  conditions : — 

1.  An  armistice  for  forty-eight  hours  for  the  com- 
pletion of  the  elections. 

2.  Free  elections  in  the  occupied  departments,  ex- 
clusive of  Alsace  and  Lorraine. 

3.  An  armistice  not  to  apply  to  Metz. 

4.  Supplies  not  to  be  replenished  during  the  armistice. 
Jules  Favre,  in  a  special  note,  declared  that  these 

conditions  could  not  be  entertained,  and  the  negotiations 
therefore  came  to  nothing. 


BiSMAECK  AND   THE  MaYOR  OF  VERSAILLES* 

October  7,  1870 

About  this  time  the  Mayor  of  Versailles,  M.  Rameau, 
had  an  interview  with  Bismarck  about  the  elections  for 
the  National  Assembly,  and  incidentally  about  the 
general  military  and  political  situation. 

The  Chancellor  was  sitting  at  a  table  covered  with 

opened  letters ;  one  of  these,  partly  mutilated,  contained 

the  order  of  the  1st  of  October,  which  eventually  formed 

the  subject  of  the  conversation.     Without  showing  the 

*  "  Records  of  the  Versailles  Commune." 


20    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

letter  to  M.  Eameau,  Bismarck  mentioned  that  it  came 
from  Gambetta. 

M.  Eameau  opened  the  conversation  by  telling  the 
Chancellor  how  he  came  to  be  the  Mayor  of  Versailles, 
and  then  proceeded  to  formulate  his  requests  concerning 
the  elections.  Bismarck  assured  him  that  the  Germans 
wished  for  nothing  better  than  that  a  Government 
should  be  formed  with  whom  they  might  negotiate. 
The  arrival  of  an  envoy  from  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment at  Tours,  and  the  permission  to  carry  out  the 
elections  in  their  usual  forms,  were  agreed  to  without 
demur. 

"  Yety  well,"  observed  Bismarck,  "  I  understand  how 
you  will  act  when  the  opportunity  arises ;  but  would 
you  do  so  without  an  order,  that  is,  some  official  docu- 
ment, from  your  Government ;  and  do  you  possess  such 
an  authority  ? " 

The  Mayor  declared  that  he  would  never  permit 
elections  to  take  place  without  orders,  but  though  he 
had  received  no  such  authority,  it  would  be  sufficient 
if  he  were  morally  and  completely  convinced  that  an 
order  had  been  issued  from  Tours  on  the  30th  of 
September,  fixing  the  elections  for  the  16th  of  October. 

"You  have  received  no  news  whatever  that  that 
order  has  been  postponed  or  annulled  in  the  mean 
time  ? "  inquired  Bismarck,  and  added,  on  receiving  a 
reply  in  the  negative — 

"Well,  I  am  certain  of  it,  and  will  hand  you  the 
proof  myself." 

He  then  read  aloud  the  order  of  the  Government  of 
the  National  Defence,  dated  Paris,  October  1,  1870, 
which  postponed  the  elections  until  they  could  take 


The  Franco-German  War  21 

place  throughout  the  whole  of  the  Eepublic,  and  declared 
every  act  in  contravention  of  the  order  to  be  null  and 
void. 

Bismarck  appeared  to  attach  special  importance  to 
the  list  of  names  of  all  those  who  had  signed  the  order, 
and  read  out  the  whole  list. 

The  Mayor  could  not  conceal  his  surprise  and  excite- 
ment at  this  unexpected  news,  and  begged  for  a  copy 
of  the  document  to  lay  before  the  Town  Council. 
Bismarck  summoned  a  secretary  and  gave  him  a  paper, 
adding  a  few  words  in  German ;  he  then  turned  to  the 
Mayor,  and  told  him  the  copy  would  be  ready  in  an 
hour's  time. 

"  You  see,"  continued  Bismarck,  "  I  am  not  the  person 
who  prevented  the  elections  on  the  16th;  even  when 
they  were  fixed  for  the  20th  of  October,  the  Crown 
Prince  asked  me  whether  I  objected  to  the  elections 
taking  place  in  the  departments  occupied  by  us,  and 
I  at  once  replied  that  I  had  nothing  to  say  against  it. 

"  And  this  has  always  been  the  case  with  the  armis- 
tice conferences.  They  have  never  been  broken  off  by  me. 
An  armistice  of  fifteen  to  twenty  days  was  a  material 
advantage  granted  to  France  by  Germany.  Every  day 
was  so  much  gained  by  France  towards  the  organization 
of  the  general  defence,  but  for  Germany  it  was  a  loss, 
since  it  delayed  our  advance.  We  had,  therefore,  to  be 
compensated. 

"  If  I  demanded  Toul  and  Verdun,  I  only  anticipated 
by  five  or  six  days  the  date  on  which  those  two  fortresses 
would  fall  to  us.  But  it  was  an  enormous  advantage 
to  France,  and  particularly  to  Paris,  to  be  able  to  effect 
wholesale  repairs,  materially  by  food  supplies,  morally 


22    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

by  political  communication  with  the  remainder  of 
France.  We  could  not  concede  the  point  of  raising 
the  investment,  without  obtaining  compensation  in  the 
form  of  the  military  positions  which  command  Paris. 

"I  never  mentioned  Mount  Valerien;  M.  Jules 
Favre  alone  spoke  of  it.  Eeferring  to  the  investment, 
he  remarked  to  me,  '  How  can  you  convene  the  National 
Assembly  at  Paris  when  it  is  invested  ? '  I  replied, 
'  Convene  it  at  Tours  or  elsewhere.'  '  Then  how  could 
the  Paris  deputies  get  there  ? '  I  replied, '  The  absence 
of  43  out  of  750  would  not  hinder  the  session  of  the 
Assembly.' 

"In  brief,  M.  Favre  begged  to  be  allowed  to  com- 
municate this  to  the  Government  of  the  National 
Defence,  and  has  not  turned  up  since !  Then  all  those 
articles  appeared  in  the  newspapers,  saying  that  I 
had  claimed  Mount  Yalerien.  This  error  was  allowed 
to  spread;  and  I  am  convinced  that  the  preparation 
for  the  elections  was  suspended  on  October  2,  and  the 
pour  'parUrs  were  broken  off,  for  no  other  reason.  More- 
over, I  have  always  censured  the  system  of  spreading 
false  reports  or  lies  through  the  Press,  an  abuse  which 
was  perpetrated  by  the  Empire  and  is  now  continued 
by  your  Eepublic." 

In  answer  to  the  Mayor's  look  of  incredulity,  the 
Chancellor  contkiued,  "  I  can  give  you  a  proof  of  this 
regarding  an  engagement  which  took  place  near  L'Hay 
during  the  last  few  days.  I  have  here  the  ofl&cial  re- 
ports and  documents  about  the  casualties.  Our  troops 
picked  up  and  buried  the  French  and  German  dead  on 
one  particular  part  of  the  battlefield,  but  only  up  to 
that  point  where  the  projectiles  from  your  forts  fell 


The  Franco-German  War  23 

without  effect;  there  were  more  than  450  French  and 
85  Germans.  But  this  is  easily  understood,  as  our 
troops  were  under  cover  and  fired  from  loopholes  made 
in  the  walls,  whilst  your  troops  were  wholly  without 
protection.  These  numbers  do  not  include  the  losses  in- 
flicted on  you  by  our  artillery,  whose  accuracy  is  well 
known.  They  are  estimated  to  be  at  the  least  as  many 
again  (and  this  we  were  able  to  ascertain),  because  those 
who  were  hit  at  a  longer  range  fell  so  close  to  your 
forts  that  we  could  not  pick  them  up.  We  may  there- 
fore say  900  French  were  killed  and  85  Germans. 
Well,  then,  your  papers  reported  about  400  French 
hors  de  combat  against  more  than  500  Germans." 

Count  Bismarck  then  spoke  of  the  political  situation, 
deliberately  choosing  his  words,  as  though  he  were  ex- 
plaining a  complete  policy  to  a  plenipotentiary. 

"  We  do  not  make  war  in  order  to  occupy  the  country 
indefinitely,  but  to  secure  peace.  Therefore,  unless  you 
create  an  authority,  a  government,  which  satisfies  us 
that  it  is  able  to  enter  into  obligations  in  the  name  of 
France,  you  put  it  out  of  our  power  to  discuss  the  con- 
ditions of  such  a  peace.  The  German  armies  will  in 
no  way  interfere  in  the  choice  of  the  government,  which 
France  will  itself  decide  on;  nor  will  they  place  any 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  session  of  the  elective 
assemblies  and  their  actions,  provided  that  the  strategical 
lines,  especially  those  towards  Paris,  are  not  traversed, 
and  the  military  dispositions  are  not  thereby  affected. 

"The  defensive  system,  which  the  French  Govern- 
ment appears  to  have  adopted,  forces  Germany  into  a 
protracted  occupation :  this  may  lead  to  the  most 
terrible  catastrophes.     The  German  armies,  living  on 


24    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

Frencli  soil,  and  moreover  able  to  draw  the  necessary 
supplies  from  their  own  country,  with  which  they  are 
in  communication,  will  surely  hold  out  longer  than  the 
city  of  Paris.  At  a  given  moment  this  city  will  have 
to  open  its  gates  to  two  millions  of  hungry  people, 
who,  even  should  the  German  armies  have  withdrawn 
from  the  immediate  vicinity,  will  be  obliged  to  travel 
at  least  eighteen  lieues,  a  three -days'  march  in  all 
directions,  and  will  become  exhausted  without  finding 
so  much  as  a  crust.  Under  such  circumstances  it  is 
impossible  to  traverse  such  a  distance,  and  the  two 
million  people  are  destined  to  perish." 

To  the  Mayor's  objection  that  Bismarck's  observations 
were  founded  on  the  incorrect  assumption  that  Paris 
had  been  abandoned  and  could  not  receive  any  aid,  the 
Chancellor  replied — 

"France  will  collect  men,  but  not  an  army.  In 
order  to  form  an  army  one  must  first  of  all  have  men, 
and  secondly  weapons,  which  the  men  know  how  t-o 
use.  If  the  French  had  had  time  to  learn  the  proper 
use  of  the  chassepot,  the  Germans  would  never  have 
advanced  so  far  as  they  have  to-day.  But  organization 
is  also  required  (artillery,  cavalry,  engineers,  supply 
and  transport,  hospitals,  provisions  of  all  kinds).  These 
things  cannot  be  improvised,  and  months  ^yill  pass 
before  everything  is  ready  and  the  arms  received  from 
America.  What  can  your  franctireurs  and  mobiles  do 
by  themselves  ?  '  They  will  never  withstand  a  corps  of 
ten  thousand  regulars  and  artillery. 

"Last  of  all,  your  men,  in  addition  to  equipment 
and  organization,  require  ofl&cers  to  form  an  army,  and 
ofi&cers  in  whom  they  have  confidence.    What  is  one 


The  Franco-German  War  25 

to  think  of  your  generals  (I  do  not  say  all),  who,  when 
the  thunder  of  the  guns  commenced,  were  always  one 
or  two  kilometres  away  from  their  men,  drinking  coffee ; 
who  actually  allowed  their  soldiers  to  be  fired  on  with 
case  shot,  whilst  they  were  in  camp,  without  making 
certain  of  the  whereabouts  of  the  enemy  ?  The  German 
troops  could  issue  from  a  wood  and  unlimber  a  battery 
of  forty  guns  before  the  French  soldiers  even  suspected 
anything,  or  stood  to  their  arms. 

"Germany  wants  peace,  and  will  make  war  until- 
she  gets  it,  let  the  consequences  be  ever  so  lamentable 
from  a  humane  point  of  view.  France  may  perish  like 
Carthage  and  other  nations  of  antiquity.  This  peace 
will  be  secured  by  a  line  of  fortresses  between  Strass- 
burg  and  Metz,  as  well  as  by  those  two  towns,  which 
will  protect  Germany  against  the  dread  of  a  second 
attack  by  France;  the  little  fortresses  lying  between 
are  of  no  importance." 

The  worthy  Mayor  then  took  his  departure,  after 
seeking  the  Chancellor's  aid  in  obtaining  a  remission 
of  the  requisitions  and  contributions  levied  on  the  town 
of  Versailles. 

Bismarck  and  General  Boyer* 
Versailles,  October  14  and  15,  1870 

Before  sending  General  Boyer  to  the  German  head- 
quarters at  Versailles,  Marshal  Bazaine  convened  a 
great  council  of  war  on  the  10th  of  October.  It  was 
resolved  that  an  attempt  should  be  made  to  arrive  at 
a  military  convention  with  Bismarck,  so  that  the  Army 
♦  "  EnquSte  parlementaire."    General  Boyer's  evidence. 


26    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

of  the  Ehine  might  march  out  of  Metz  with  military 
honours.  At  the  same  time  it  was  decided  that,  if 
the  proposals  of  the  German  Government  proved  un- 
acceptable, a  last  attempt  should  be  made  to  leave  the 
fortress. 

Boyer  left  Metz,  commissioned  to  ask  Bismarck 
what  conditions  he  would  impose  upon  the  army,  and 
he  was  also  instructed  to  inform  him  that  the  army 
would  not  agree  to  such  a  capitulation  as  that  of  Sedan. 
The  General,  accompanied  by  two  orderly  officers  of 
Prince  Frederick  Charles,  who  did  not  allow  him  out  of 
their  sight,  started  on  the  12th  of  October.  He  was  for- 
bidden to  communicate  with  anybody  en  route.  He 
reached  Versailles  early  on  the  14th,  where  the  town- 
commandant  assigned  him  a  lodging  in  the  Eue  du 
Satory,  under  the  strictest  supervision,  until  he  could 
be  received  by  the  Chancellor. 

About  ten  in  the  morning.  General  Boyer  was  in- 
formed that  Bismarck  would  soon  send  for  him ;  but 
it  was  1  p.m.  w^hen  he  was  driven  in  an  open  carriage 
to  the  Chancellor's  dwelling. 

During  the  interview,  which  lasted  till  four  o'clock, 
Bismarck  discussed  the  French  situation  arising  out  of 
the  revolution  of  the  4th  of  September,  the  European 
mission  of  M.  Thiers,  and  his  own  interview  with  Jules 
Favre  at  Ferrieres.  Bismarck  criticized  the  individuals, 
the  parts  they  had  played,  and  several  members  of  the 
Government  of  National  Defence.  He  also  spoke  of 
the  American  mission  of  Generals  Sheridan  and 
Burnside,  who  had  returned  from  Paris,  where  they 
had  gone  with  his  sanction  to  try  and  establish  rela- 
tions between  the  French  and  the  German  governments. 


The  Franco-German  War  27 

When  the  Chancellor  inquired  as  to  Marshal  Bazaine's 
demands,  Boyer  explained  that,  after  the  military  events 
in  which  it  had  taken  part,  the  army  considered  that, 
as  it  had  honourably  defended  its  colours,  it  had  a  just 
right,  in  its  present  extreme  need,  to  demand  a  military 
convention  which  should  leave  to  it  the  honours  of  war 
instead  of  a  capitulation. 

Bismarck  replied  that,  as  this  aspect  did  not  concern 
him,  but  must  be  settled  by  the  King,  the  Minister  of 
War,  and  von  Moltke,  he  could  not  give  the  General 
an  immediate  answer.  He  promised,  however,  to  speak 
to  the  King  the  same  evening,  and  let  the  General  have 
an  answer  by  the  following  day,  adding — 

"Since  your  mission  is  to  demand  a  military  con- 
vention, I  must  tell  you  beforehand  that  the  King's 
council  will  not  agree  to  any  other  conditions  than 
those  of  Sedan." 

General  Boyer  replied,  "I  can  assure  you  that  a 
military  convention  on  that  basis  is  impossible." 

"  But,"  said  Bismarck,  "  I  can  bring  political  con- 
siderations to  bear  on  the  King  and  his  council,  and 
I  can  obtain  conditions  for  the  French  army  which  I 
will  communicate  to  you  to-morrow." 

The  General  then  urged  Bismarck  to  let  him  know 
what  these  political  considerations  were,  and  the 
Chancellor  explained  his  plan,  which  was  to  negotiate 
with  the  Empress  Eegent,  since  the  German  Govern- 
ment did  not  recognize  the  Government  of  National 
Defence.  But  in  negotiating  with  the  Empress  Eegent, 
Germany  intended  to  reserve  advantages  no  less  im- 
portant than  those  which  were  conferred  by  its  military 
position  in  respect  of  the  army  of  Metz. 


28    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

"Then  you  will  propose  negotiations  with  the 
Empress  to  the  King  and  his  council  ?  " 

"  Yes,  certainly.  Have  you  recognized  the  Govern- 
ment of  National  Defence  ? " 

"No,"  replied  the  General,  "the  army  has  not 
recognized  it.  We  have  received  no  communication  of 
any  kind  from  the  Government  of  the  4th  of  September, 
and  we  only  accidentally  heard  of  its  existence  on  the 
14th  of  September,  from  some  prisoners  of  war  who 
had  been  exchanged.  The  same  day  we  heard  of  the 
disaster  of  Sedan,  the  capture  of  the  Emperor,  and  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  Government  of  the  4th  of  September. 
We  have  had  a  few  papers,  which  those  officers  were 
able  to  procure,  and  we  have  read  a  number  of  orders, 
but  we  have  had  no  direct  communication  from  the 
Government  itself,  nor  has  any  official  reached  us  from 
it.  We  only  recognize  the  Government  of  the  Eegent ; 
we  have  taken  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Emperor,  and 
we  shall  remain  true  to  our  oath  until  the  country  has 
decided  otherwise." 

Bismarck  then  developed  his  project.  He  proposed 
to  secure  the  loyalty  of  the  army  to  the  Government  of 
the  Eegent  by  a  manifestation,  and  to  prove  that  the 
army  was  determined  to  obey  her  Majesty  the  Empress 
in  the  event  of  her  deciding  to  sign  the  preliminaries  of 
peace. 

Boyer  then  observed  that  this  was  impossible.  The 
Marshal  could  not  question  every  one  individually ;  and 
it  would  be  difficult  to  ascertain  the  opinion  of  the 
army :  that  would  be  to  demand  a  kind  oipronunciamento, 
which  was  not  customary  in  the  French  service. 

"  But,"  said  the  Chancellor,  "  this  manifestation  by 


The  Franco-German  War  29 

the  army  is  indispensable,  for  the  Empress  would  not 
commence  negotiations,  if  she  did  not  feel  that  her 
actions  were  supported  by  the  army.  You  will  have  to 
obtain  her  Majesty's  signature  to  the  preliminaries  of 
peace.  Under  these  conditions  you  can  retire  with  the 
honours  of  war,  taking  away  your  arms,  guns,  and  other 
material  of  war.  Of  course  the  fortress  of  Metz  is  not 
included,  and  is  at  liberty  to  defend  itself  with  the 
means  in  its  possession." 

This  last  condition  was  secured  by  General  Boyer  in 
accordance  with  his  instructions. 

Boyer  then  observed,  "  If  the  army  obeys  the  Empress, 
or  is  summoned  to  adhere  to  her,  it  will  be  the  first 
duty  of  Marshal  Bazaine,  with  the  assent  of  the  Council 
of  War,  to  assemble  the  civil  powers  as  they  were  before 
the  4th  of  September,  at  a  point  previously  fixed,  and  to 
say  to  them,  '  You  were  gathered  together  at  a  sitting 
on  the  4th  of  September ;  at  the  moment  the  assembly 
was  fallen  upon,  you  were  in  debate  :  resume  it  at  the 
point  it  had  reached  at  that  period.  Whatever  your 
decision  is,  we  shall  accept  it.  Even  if  you  declare  that 
the  Empire  has  ceased  to  exist,  we  are  soldiers  of  the 
nation,  and  will  obey  you.  If  you  wish  to  refer  to  the 
nation,  the  army  will  assist  you.  Whichever  way  you 
decide,  the  army  is  ready  to  secure  respect  for  your 
decision.' " 

The  second  interview  took  place  the  following  day 
about  noon,  when  the  Chancellor  visited  General  Boyer 
at  his  quarters,  and  informed  him  that  a  convention  on 
the  terms  proposed  by  the  Marshal  had  at  first  been 
rejected  by  the  Council,  but  that  upon  Bismarck's 
replying  that  another  basis   might  be  proposed,  and 


30    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

explaining  the  political  considerations,  the  Council  had 
agreed  with  his  views.  "  If/'  added  the  Chancellor, 
"  you  obtain  from  the  Empress  her  consent  to  sign  the 
preliminaries  of  a  treaty  of  peace,  and  if  you  obtain 
from  the  army  a  declaration  of  its  firm  determination  to 
obey  the  Empress,  you  will  also  obtain  the  conditions 
which  I  mentioned  to  you  yesterday :  the  army  mil 
retire  with  military  honours,  taking  its  guns  and  colours. 
The  fortress  of  Metz  is  quite  outside  this  convention. 
But  you  must  apply  to  the  Empress.  She,  as  the  sole 
remaining  authority,  is  the  only  one  with  whom  I  can 
negotiate,  for  I  will  not  recognize  the  Government  in 
Paris,  and  still  less  the  one  at  Tours.  Are  you  sure 
that  the  army  will  follow^  you  ?  " 

Boyer  repeated  his  remarks  of  the  previous  day,  and 
Bismarck  added,  "  Do  you  prefer  to  go  to  Wilhelmshohe, 
the  present  quarters  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon  ?  If  so, 
I  will  have  the  necessary  passes  prepared  for  you  or  for 
the  officer  to  whom  these  negotiations  may  be  entrusted." 

General  Boyer  said  that  he  could  not  discuss  the  idea 
of  the  Council  of  War  sending  a  negotiator  to  the 
Emperor,  since  the  fall  of  Sedan  and  his  capture  had 
placed  them  in  a  position  which  it  was  inadmissible  for 
him  to  discuss,  but  he  believed  that  the  army  would 
from  that  date  consider  itself  solely  responsible  to  the 
Government  of  the  Empress. 

The  conversation  ended  about  2  p.m.,  having  lasted 
about  an  hour  'and  a  half,  and  General  Boyer  left 
Versailles  the  same  evening,  reaching  Metz  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  17th  of  October. 


The  Franco-German  War  31 

Bismarck's  Second  Inteeview  with  the  Mayor  of 
Versailles  * 

October  21,  1870 

A  second  interview  with  M.  Eameau  took  place  on 
the  evening  of  the  21st  of  October,  1870,  immediately 
after  the  action  at  Malmaison.  Bismarck,  who  was  in 
uniform,  was  working  at  a  table,  though  he  seemed  to 
be  rather  tired ;  he  was  pasting  newspaper  paragraphs 
on  to  white  paper  by  the  light  of  three  candles,  the 
floor  around  him  being  littered  with  the  papers  from 
which  he  had  cut  them.  He  was  very  nervous,  breath- 
ing deeply,  and  every  now  and  then  refreshing  himself 
with  seltzer  water.  Shaking  the  Mayor  by  the  hand, 
he  thanked  him  for  having  kept  his  appointment,  and 
inquired,  as  if  he  were  merely  speaking  about  the 
weather,  "  How  are  matters  in  the  town  ?  " 

The  Mayor,  considering  this  question  rather  vague, 
replied,  "  Oh,  the  town  was  hopeful  to-day,  but  its 
hope,  it  seems,  has  not  been  realized."  He  alluded  to  a 
sortie  by  the  French  troops,  in  which  they  had  beaten 
the  Prussians,  and  had  raised  the  hopes  of  the  inhabit- 
ants to  see  the  French  arrive,  by  creating  a  panic 
amongst  the  soldiers  quartered  in  the  town. 

"  I  did  not  want  to  see  you  about  that,"  said  the 
Count,  with  a  smile ;  "  I  wished  to  inquire  whether  our 
men  are  guilty  of  excesses  or  misbehaviour  ? " 

The  mayor  complained  about  the  enormous  burdens 
laid  on  the  town,  and  added  that,  having  already  reported 
various  police  matters  to  the  town  commandant,  he  did 
*  E.  Delerot,  "Versailles  during  the  Occupation." 


32    Conversations  with   Prince  Bismarck 

not  consider  it  necessary  to  repeat  them  to  Bismarck. 
The  latter,  avoiding  the  topic  of  conversation,  observed, 
"You  complained  about  a  fine  of  a  hundred  francs 
which  was  inliicted  on  account  of  a  delay  in  supplying 
a  vehicle." 

The  Mayor  made  a  gesture  of  dissent  at  the  mention 
of  a  "  fine." 

"Well,  then,"  continued  Bismarck,  "let  us  lay 
principles  aside.  It  shall  not  be  called  a  fine,  let  it 
be  a  war  contribution,  an  extortion,  if  you  like,  but  I 
implore  you  to  pay  this  little  sum.  So  much  you  can 
do  to  please  me,  since  I  have  helped  you  to  obtain  the 
remission  of  a  war  contribution  of  400,000  francs." 

M.  Kameau  replied  that  he  could  not  pay  a  fine  for 
an  occurrence  about  which  the  communal  administration 
could  not  reproach  itself  with  either  malice  or  neglect, 
as  it  had  been  impossible  to  procure  the  vehicle. 

"  In  case  of  need,  you  might  have  requisitioned  the 
carriage  which  I  hire  for  my  personal  use,  and  I  should 
have  said  nothing.  But  a  Eoyal  courier,  who  had  an 
urgent  message,  could  not  get  away,  although  relays 
costing  800  francs  had  to  be  employed,  and  as  the  object 
was  not  attained,  we  expect  some  reparation." 

Bismarck  here  paused,  as  if  he  wished  to  change  the 
subject. 

"  It  is  curious,"  he  remarked  suddenly,  "  how  little 
you  seem  to  know  in  France,  and  especially  here  in 
Versailles,  of  the  real  meaning  of  a  state  of  war.  When 
the  signal  to  '  mount '  is  sounded,  the  male  portion  of 
the  population  should  remain  at  home,  otherwise  they 
might  be  fired  upon ;  but  instead  of  that,  your  country- 
men come  out  full  of  curiosity,  crowding  together  in 


The  Franco-German  War  33 

the  squares  and  avenues,  and  seem  to  await  the  further 
march  of  events  so  as  to  take  part  in  them  if  necessary. 
Such  a  course  might  be  fraught  with  evil  consequences 
for  them.  When  I  rode  out  to  the  troops  to-day,  there 
were  more  than  three  hundred  inquisitive  persons  in 
the  Eue  de  Province ;  I  made  a  complaint  about  this, 
and  the  sentry  was  placed  under  arrest,  because  he  had 
not  dispersed  the  crowd  after  giving  them  a  final 
warning.  To-day  we  had  one  sortie  from  Paris,  and 
another  from  Mont  Valerien.  Twenty  battalions  moved 
out,  to-morrow  there  may  be  forty,  and  the  alarm 
signals  may  be  repeated.  Caution  the  inhabitants, 
therefore,  to  remain  at  home,  for  we  wish  to  save  you 
from  a  grave  misfortune.  When  certain  persons,  for 
instance,  the  King,  Herr  von  Moltke,  or  I,  appear  in 
the  streets,  a  crowd  immediately  collects ;  this  is  most 
annoying  to  us.  As  soon  as  I  am  recognized,  they 
run  after  me.  Lately  I  returned  home  from  the  Pre- 
fecture in  the  evening,  when  two  or  three  persons  fol- 
lowed close  behind  me.  One  of  them  kept  his  right 
hand  in  his  pocket ;  he  might  have  been  an  assassin, 
and  I  was  quite  prepared  for  a  knife-thrust.  If  such 
a  thing  had  happened  to  one  of  our  young  officers,  he 
would  at  once  have  drawn  his  sword  and  set  to ;  such 
is  the  custom  of  war.  I  did  not  do  so,  but  merely  had 
the  man,  who  was  following  close  on  my  heels,  arrested 
by  the  next  sentry,  and  when  they  told  me  he  was 
known  in  the  quarter,  I  allowed  the  matter  to  drop. 
But  you  must  inform  the  inhabitants,  not  by  procla- 
mation, but  through  your  agents,  that  this  kind  of  thing 
must  cease." 

Another    pause     ensued.      The    conversation    had 

D 


34    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

apparently  not  yet  reached  its  main  point.  Bismarck 
took  a  cigar,  and,  offering  one  to  the  Mayor,  who 
declined  it,  said — 

"  You  will,  however,  permit  me  to  smoke  ?  " 

M.  Eameau  bowed  in  assent. 

"  Well,  then,  Mr.  Mayor,  it  seems  as  if  we  are  to 
spend  the  winter  with  you,  and  yet  I  greatly  long  to 
return  to  Berlin." 

"  The  matter  is  certainly  not  less  unpleasant  for  us," 
replied  the  Mayor.     "  But  why  must  it  be  so  ?  " 

"  No  peace  is  possible  without  elections,"  replied  the 
Count.  "  At  present  there  is  no  one  who  can  assume 
the  responsibility  of  negotiating  for  France;  neither 
Count  Chambord,  the  Orleans,  nor  the  Empress  Eegent. 
And  yet  France  and  Germany  both  want  peace.  We 
shall  be  compelled  to  negotiate  with  Napoleon  III.,  and 
force  him  on  you." 

"  You  will  not  do  that !  France  would  regard  it  as 
a  bitter  insult !  " 

"  But  it  is  to  the  interest  of  the  victors  to  leave  the 
vanquished  in  the  hands  of  an  authority,  who  can  be 
supported  by  a  Pretorian  Guard,  because  then  war  will 
not  again  be  so  easily  contemplated.  The  extent  to 
which  the  Imperial  Government  has  pushed  corruption 
is  incredible.  Are  you  acquainted  with  the  papers 
which  have  been  found  in  the  Tuileries  ? " 

"  No,  Count ;  you  know  that  we  have  been  quite  cut 
off  for  more  than  a  month." 

"Very  remarkable  papers,  these!  There  are  also 
leaders  of  the  democratic  party  who  are  compromised 
by  them.  I  must  have  the  things  published  in  our 
little  paper,  Nouvelliste  de   Versailles."     Then,  after  a 


The  Franco-German  War  35 

fresh  pause,  "  But  you  are  wrong  in  believing  that 
Napoleon  III.  has  no  more  adherents  in  the  country ; 
he  has  the  army  still." 

As  the  Mayor  shook  his  head,  the  Chancellor  con- 
tinued— 

"  Marshal  Bazaine  sent  General  Boyer  to  me  in 
Napoleon's  name  to  negotiate  for  peace.  If  we  allowed 
the  garrison  of  Metz  to  retire,  they  would  march  to  the 
Gironde,  having  pledged  themselves  to  remain  there 
quietly  for  three  months  and  await  events,  and  we  could 
then  dispose  of  the  200,000  men  who  are  investing 
Metz.  We  can  form  seven  armies,  occupy  the  whole  of 
France,  and  live  at  your  expense.  Paris  reckons  on  the 
provinces,  and  the  provinces  reckon  on  Paris.  That  is  a 
twofold  error.  Paris  possesses  an  army  which  sufi&ces 
to  garrison  a  fortress,  but  which  cannot  take  the  field 
because  it  lacks  cavalry  and  artillery,  and  is  not 
organized.  With  regard  to  the  provinces,  since  Orleans 
we  know  what  to  think  of  the  Army  of  the  Loire :  ruins 
and  fragments,  which  cannot  be  put  together  again !  The 
departments  already  complain  that  nothing  is  referred 
to  the  country.  In  the  north  only  Lille  is  still  in  favour 
of  war,  but  in  the  vicinity  of  Eouen  and  Havre,  whither 
we  have  sent  troops,  public  opinion  will  have  nothing 
to  do  with  further  resistance.  Several  towns  are  poHced 
by  our  troops  and  the  inhabitants  together." 

"Perhaps,  Count,  you  regard  the  circumstance  that 
the  town  of  Versailles  submits  to  your  police  regulations 
as  a  symptom  of  wavering  patriotism." 

"  By  no  means.  If  a  town,  occupied  by  the  victors, 
aids  them  in  protecting  the  pubHc  safety  by  arresting 
thieves,  etc.,  it  is  done  in  the  cause  of  humanity  and 


36    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

out  of  respect  for  the  laws  of  society,  and  has  nothing  to 
do  with  patriotism." 

Since  Bismarck  seemed  neither  inclined  to  break  the 
ensuing  pause  nor  to  end  the  interview,  M.  Eameau 
suggested  that,  as  Germany,  according  to  the  Chancellor, 
was  not  making  a  war  of  conquest,  the  basis  of  the  peace 
might  be  the  status  quo  ante  helium,  for  which  purpose 
both  countries  should  raze  their  frontier  fortresses  to 
the  ground. 

"But  the  circumstances  are  not  the  same  on  both 
sides,"  objected  Bismarck.  "With  the  exception  of 
1792,  when  it  was  borne  along  by  the  general  current, 
Prussia  has  never  attacked  France,  whilst  France,  under 
Louis  XIV.,  the  Eepublic,  and  the  two  Napoleons 
successively,  has  made  war  on  us  twenty-three  times ; 
even  under  the  Eestoration  she  would  have  done  the 
same  in  company  with  Eussia,  had  not  the  July 
Eevolution  broken  out." 

The  Mayor  next  suggested  a  partial  disarmament, 
which  might  also  be  forced  upon  the  greater  part  of 
Europe.  The  question  of  an  authority  to  negotiate  the 
armistice  led  to  an  assurance  from  Count  Bismarck  that 
the  necessary  passes  enabling  the  Paris  deputies  to  travel 
to  Tours  would  be  granted. 

M.  Eameau  expressed  a  wish  to  enter  Paris  and 
endeavour  to  persuade  the  Committee  of  National 
Defence  to  adopt  his  suggestions.     Bismarck  replied — 

"I  would  not  advise  you  to  go.  Peace  proposals 
emanating  from  my  initiative  would  find  no  hearing 
there ;  they  would  be  regarded  as  a  proof  that  we  wished 
to  continue  the  war,  and  on  that  account  alone  would 
be  rejected.    In  your  own  interest,  do  not  attempt  it." 


The  Franco-German  War  37 

"  I  am  a  Ee publican,  Count,  and  a  good  Eepublican 
always  places  ttie  common  interest  before  his  own." 

"  In  that  sense  I  too  am  a  Eepublican,  only  I  regard 
a  hereditary  head  as  an  important  hostage.  But  I  will 
give  you  a  proof  that  you  will  not  succeed.  America 
is  the  only  country  which  really  takes  an  interest  in 
France.  Four  American  Generals  (Sheridan,  Bumside, 
etc.)  have  applied  to  me  regarding  a  peace.  They  were 
then  in  Paris,  and  on  their  return  reported,  '  Nothing 
can  be  done.  With  the  exception  of  Trochu,  who  said, 
"  We  have  not  been  beaten  severely  enough  to  be  able 
to  negotiate,"  none  of  them  will  listen  to  any  mention  of 
peace.  They  will  not  even  ask  the  country.  They  are 
not  true  Eepublicans,  but  are  either  fools  or  tyrants.' 
I  will  not  cause  you  pain  by  repeating  all  the  expres- 
sions which  the  Americans  used  about  the  personnel  of 
your  Government.  They  will  yet  succeed  in  breaking 
France  into  pieces." 

"  Then  I  certainly  shall  not  go  to  Paris,"  said  the 
Mayor. 

The  interview  ended  by  the  Chancellor  requesting  the 
Mayor  to  hand  the  "  indemnity  "  of  100  francs  to  a  M. 
Poidevin,  who  had  succoured  an  injured  Prussian  in 
Versailles. 

Thiers  and  Bismarck* 
Versailles,  October  ZO-Novemder  4  and  6,  1870 

M.   Thiers  arrived  at  Versailles  on    the    30th    of 
October,  1870,  after  a  very  fatiguing  journey.     Hotly 
contested  actions  were  being  fought  round   Orleans, 
♦  •'  Enqu^te  Parlementaire,"  M.  Thiers'  evidence. 


38    Conversations  with   Prince  Bismarck 

railway  communication  had  been  interrupted,  and,  as 
no  post-horses  could  be  provided,  artillery  horses  were 
taken  from  the  guns  and  harnessed  to  his  carriage, 
and  thus  he  arrived  at  Versailles,  where  he  found 
Bismarck  awaiting  him. 

The  French  statesman's  first  remark  was,  "  I  can 
only  tell  you  that  I  have  nothing  to  report." 

Bismarck  replied,  "I  will  give  you  two  officers  to 
precede  you,  and  if  you  should  meet  with  an  accident — 
every  letter  costs  me  a  life;  you  will  be  safe  in  the 
hands  of  the  Germans — these  gentlemen  will  remain 
at  your  disposal.  I  think  it  will  take  you  many  days 
before  you  convince  the  leading  men ;  but  the  officers 
commissioned  to  accompany  you  will  be  there,  ready 
to  escort  you  back  when  you  give  them  the  signal 
to  fetch  you." 

Thiers  and  his  companions  arrived  at  the  outpost 
line,  but  the  firing  was  so  protracted  that  it  was  not 
easy  for  the  party  to  make  themselves  understood. 
Two  small  boats  were  found  on  the  bank  of  the  Seine, 
and  Thiers  crossed  over  the  river,  after  saying  to  the 
officers,  "Expect  me  daily  at  four  o'clock,  at  which 
time  I  shall  endeavour  to  get  out  of  Paris,  if  I  have 
full  powers  to  return  to  the  German  headquarters." 

At  2  p.m.  on  the  following  day  Thiers  returned  to 
the  appointed  spot,  and,  having  given  the  signal,  saw 
the  two  German  officers  appear.  The  same  boat 
served  for  his  re'turn  to  the  German  bank  of  the  river, 
and  in  a  short  while  he  reached  Versailles.  Bismarck, 
on  hearing  of  his  arrival,  was  much  astonished  at  his 
speedy  and  safe  return,  and  sent  an  officer  to  con- 
gratulate him. 


The  Franco-German  War  39 

At  the  interview,  which  commenced  at  11  a.m.  on 
the  1st  of  November,  Thiers  demanded  a  month's 
supplies  of  food.  Count  Bismarck  replied,  "  You  make 
a  somewhat  exaggerated  demand,  for  Paris  is  already 
on  half-rations,  and  now  you  ask  for  whole  rations 
for  a  month.  Nevertheless,  I  am  ready  to  concede 
this;  the  King  would  consent,  but  the  soldiers  con- 
sider an  armistice  disadvantageous  to  us.  You  ask 
for  more  than  you  hope  to  get,  and  doubtless  this  is 
not  your  only  request." 

Thiers  replied,  "  No  ;  it  is  not  my  last  word  regarding 
the  multitude." 

"  Well,  then,"  said  the  Prussian  minister,  "  put  it 
on  paper,  so  that  we  may  have  something  definite  to 
discuss." 

Thiers  drew  up  a  memorandum,  and  handed  it  to 
Bismarck,  who  found  fault  only  with  the  quantities 
of  supplies  demanded;  and  by  this  he  allowed  it  to 
be  noticed  that  an  understanding  on  this  point  would 
be  arrived  at. 

The  negotiations  were  continued  the  following  day. 
It  can  readily  be  understood  that  Thiers  strove  to  give 
Bismarck  the  most  favourable  impression  of  his  tour 
round  the  Courts  of  London,  Vienna,  Petersburg,  and 
Turin,  for  he  particularly  wished  Bismarck  to  believe 
that  he  had  received  numerous  proofs  of  sympathy  from 
"his  friend"  Prince  Gortschakoff,  and  that  if  Germany 
did  not  cut  short  her  victorious  progress  through 
France,  Eussia  might  at  length  grow  angry.  Thereupon 
Bismarck  got  up  and  rang  the  bell.  "Bring  me  the 
portfolio  with  the  Ptussian  papers."  A  portfolio  was 
brought  in,  which  he  handed  to   M.  Thiers,  saying, 


40    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

"  Eead  these ;  there  you  will  find  thirty  letters,  which 
have  been  sent  me  from  St.  Petersburg."  M.  Thiers 
read  them,  and  abandoned  all  further  representations. 

At  the  fifth  meeting,  which  took  place  on  the  3rd 
of  November,  M.  Thiers  found  Bismarck  disquieted, 
depressed,  and  much  excited. 

"  Have  you  any  news  from  Paris  ? "  asked  the 
latter. 

"None." 

"  Well,  a  revolution  has  taken  place,  and  has  changed 
everything." 

Thiers  was  not  exactly  surprised  at  this,  since  he 
was  acquainted  with  the  condition  of  the  capital,  which 
he  had  quitted  only  four  days  ago,  though  he  refused 
to  believe  the  news. 

"Such  an  attempt  has  probably  been  made,"  he 
replied,  "  but  it  will  have  been  suppressed :  the  National 
Guard  will  not  allow  anarchy  to  triumph." 

"I  know  nothing  about  it,"  replied  Bismarck,  and 
then  read  aloud  a  number  of  outpost  reports,  each  one 
more  confusing  than  the  other.  It  struck  Thiers  that 
Bismarck  himself  was  seriously  put  out  by  the  news 
from  Paris,  for  he  evidently  wished  for  peace,  and  did 
not  conceal  his  fear  that  a  revolution  in  Paris  would 
lessen  the  chances  of  obtaining  it. 

Bismarck  then  asked  Thiers  whether  he  could  ascer- 
tain exactly  what  had  happened  in  Paris.  M.  Thiers 
had  two  capable  'and  courageous  secretaries,  MM.  Ee- 
musat  and  Cochery,  one  of  whom  he  offered  to  send 
to  Paris  for  news.  Bismarck  sent  officers  to  accompany 
M.  Cochery  (the  first  of  the  two  secretaries  whom 
M.    Thiers    met),    and    their    return    was    anxiously 


The  Franco-German  War  41 

awaited,  so  that  the  new  situation  might  be  fully 
understood. 

Thiers  saw  Bismarck  several  times  that  day,  for  a 
new  fact  had  cropped  up  which  greatly  aggravated  the 
situation:  this  was  the  proclamation  published  at 
Tours  concerning  the  surrender  of  Metz.  The  violence 
with  which  the  actual  or  supposed  authors  of  the 
capitulation  were  condemned  had  excited  everybody  in 
Versailles  in  the  highest  degree. 

"The  King  wished  for  peace,"  said  Bismarck  to 
Thiers,  "  and  he  was  inclined  to  grant  an  armistice  in 
the  hope  that  the  passions  of  the  war  party  would 
calm  down.  He  has  resisted  the  war-party  in  Prussia 
— for  I  will  not  conceal  the  fact  that  our  soldiers  are 
against  the  armistice,  as  they  think  that  an  armistice 
will  only  prolong  your  resistance,  and  they  say  that 
we  must  immediately  conclude  a  peace  or  continue  the 
attack  on  Paris.  And  now  this  new  revolution  in 
Paris  and  the  language  used  at  Tours  have  discouraged 
all  those  who  hoped  that  these  passions  were  allayed ; 
this  fresh  outburst  on  your  part  has  re-awakened  our 
fears.  Yesterday  I  was  full  of  confidence,  to-day  I 
have  utterly  lost  it." 

Bismarck  had  only  spoken  the  truth.  Thiers  was 
acquainted  with  several  diplomatists  and  princes  present 
in  Versailles,  and  all  the  news  which  he  was  able  to 
collect  showed  him  that  many  changes  had  taken  place 
within  the  last  twenty-four  hours. 

Cochery  returned  during  the  night,  having  met  with 
great  difficulties  on  the  way.  Thiers  learnt  from  him 
that  a  revolution  had  been  attempted  on  the  31st — the 
day  of  his  departure  from  Paris — and  that,  though  it 


42    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

had  been  suppressed,  the  half-conquered  anarchists, 
unwittingly  supported  by  honourable  people  whose 
misguided  patriotism  had  been  over-excited  by  the 
events  of  Metz,  had  nevertheless  obtained  the  complete 
mastery  of  Paris. 

Once  more  M.  Thiers  had  an  interview  with  Bismarck, 
and  communicated  to  him  all  that  he  had  learnt.  Bis- 
marck was  as  well  posted  as  Thiers,  but  the  latter  was 
convinced  that  if  he  could  but  achieve  the  acceptance 
of  that  which  Bismarck  called  the  "  First  volume  of 
peace,"  i.e.  the  armistice,  he  could  not,  with  the  best 
will  in  the  world,  obtain  the  acceptance  of  the  second. 

"  If  I  thought,"  said  Bismarck,  "  that  the  publisher 
would  bring  out  the  second  volume,  I  would  wdlKngly 
assist  you  in  publishing  the  first."  He  then  informed 
him  of  the  conditions  of  the  armistice :  either  no  food 
supplies  to  be  brought  in,  or  the  surrender  of  a  fort ; 
but  Thiers  was  not  empowered  to  agree  to  any  such 
conditions,  and  he  was  therefore  obliged  to  break  off 
the  negotiations. 

Thiers  and  Bismarck  looked  at  one  another,  and 
asked  almost  simultaneously  whether  an  immediate 
peace  was  not  possible.  The  night  was  spent  in 
arguments,  and  Thiers  realized  that  a  peace  was  then 
possible — painful  without  doubt,  but  not  as  painful  as 
the  one  which  would  be  forced  upon  them  later  on.  He 
decided  to  proceed  to  Paris  immediately  to  try  and 
obtain  the  acceptance  of  such  a  peace,  but  Bismarck 
advised  him  not  to  do  so,  since  he  would  certainly  not 
escape  from  the  madmen  who  ruled  Paris.  Thiers 
considered  these  dangers,  although  very  real,  to  be 
exaggerated,  and  told  Bismarck  that  he  could  achieve 


I 


The  Franco-German  War  43 


nothing  unless  lie  went  to  Paris  himself;  so  he 
decided  to  make  a  rendezvous  with  the  members  of 
the  Government  at  a  point  which  they  might  select, 
in  order  to  learn  their  opinions  on  a  question  which 
constituted  the  salvation  of  their  country. 

He  despatched  M.  Cochery,  who  had  already  suc- 
ceeded in  reaching  Paris,  and  arranged  for  a  meeting  at 
the  Bridge  of  Sevres.  On  the  following  day,  Thiers 
went  to  that  spot,  and  was  taken  to  an  abandoned 
house,  ruined  by  shells,  in  the  Bois  de  Boulogne.  Here 
he  encountered  only  Jules  Favre  and  General  Ducrot. 
The  former  explained  that  at  the  moment  it  was  im- 
possible to  bring  the  populace  of  Paris  to  a  reasonable 
decision,  and  though  he  entirely  agreed  with  Thiers' 
proposal,  which,  under  the  existing  unhappy  circum- 
stances, he  considered  to  be  wise  and  acceptable, 
apparently  the  Paris  Commune  was  already  in  com- 
mand of  the  situation,  although  the  de  facto  govern- 
ment of  the  capital  was  not  yet  in  their  hands. 

Thiers  sorrowfully  took  leave  of  Jules  Favre,  and 
returned  to  Versailles,  where  he  awaited  a  final  despatch 
from  the  Government  of  the  National  Defence  with 
regard  to  the  discontinuance  of  these  negotiations,  which 
had  become  quite  useless.  He  left  the  Chancellor  greatly 
perturbed  about  the  continuation  of  the  struggle. 

Bismarck  and  Jules  Favre* 
Versailles,  January  2Z-February  1,  1871 

On  learning  from  Pelletier  that  the  food  supplies  of 
Paris  were  practically  exhausted,  M.  Jules  Favre  sent 
*  "  EnquSte  Parlementaire." 


44    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

an  officer  to  ask  Bismarck  for  an  interview,  but  without 
assigning  any  reason  for  so  doing.  The  request  was 
granted,  and  Favre  arrived  at  Versailles  about  8  p.m., 
having  been  forced  to  make  a  long  detour,  because  of 
the  threats  of  the  reckless  populace. 

Favre  opened  the  conversation  by  boldly  declaring 
that  Paris  had  sufficient  supplies  for  six  months,  and 
that  it  had  been  decided  to  undertake  fresh  military 
operations.  He  mentioned  the  fact  of  General  Trochu's 
dismissal  as  a  proof  of  this  assertion,  and  said  that  his 
journey  had  been  undertaken  at  the  risk  of  his  life, 
owing  to  the  excitement  of  the  population.  "  Paris  is 
about  to  assault  your  lines ;  I  do  not  know  what  the 
issue  of  this  action  will  be ;  it  may  fail,  but  to  avoid 
unnecessary  sacrifices  I  propose  the  following  condi- 
tions." 

After  Favre  had  stated  his  demands,  Bismarck 
replied,  "  It  is  too  late ;  I  have  already  opened  nego- 
tiations with  the  Imperial  family."  (This  was  a  feint 
of  Bismarck's,  in  reply  to  Pavre's  representations  about 
the  brilliant  situation  of  Paris.) 

The  Chancellor  observed  later  on  that  he  was  con- 
fronted by  three  pretenders — Napoleon,  the  Eegency, 
and  Prince  Napoleon — and  that  he  was  at  Liberty  to 
negotiate  with  one  or  the  other  of  these  three  represen- 
tatives of  the  Imperial  regime.  He  then  mentioned 
the  individual  who  had  conducted  the  negotiations  in 
question,  and  asked  Pavre,  "  What  is  your  opinion  of 
this  man — this  being  to  a  certain  extent  a  counsel's 
consultation  ? " 

Favre  gave  his  opinion,  and  added  that  he  did  not 
consider  such  a  combination  to  be  possible.    At  the 


The  Franco- German  War  45 

conclusion  of  the  interview  Bismarck  requested  his 
opponent  to  put  his  demands  on  paper.  Favre,  how- 
ever, objected,  on  the  ground  that  if  the  negotiations 
fell  through,  the  document  might  be  of  service  to  the 
German  statesman. 

On  Bismarck's  replying,  "  On  my  word  of  honour  as 
a  gentleman,  I  only  require  it  to  show  to  the  King,  in 
order  to  inform  him  of  the  basis  of  our  conversation," 
Favre  then  wrote  down  his  four  conditions  in  pencil : 
an  armistice — for  he  refused  to  speak  of  a  'peace, — the 
convocation  of  the  National  Assembly;  the  Prussian 
army  not  to  enter  Paris ;  the  army  of  Paris  to  remain 
prisoners  of  war  in  Paris,  and  not  to  be  removed  to 
Germany. 

The  real  work  of  negotiation  commenced  on  the 
following  day  (24th),  when  Bismarck  opened  the  con- 
versation with  the  remark  that  the  King  had  empowered 
him  to  negotiate  for  an  armistice. 

The  Chancellor,  however,  remained  firm  in  regard  to 
the  entry  of  the  Germans  into  Paris,  mentioning  the 
will  of  the  King  and  the  generals  as  an  almost  insur- 
mountable obstacle.  The  other  French  conditions  were 
conceded,  though  Bismarck  made  all  manner  of  objec- 
tions, and  Favre  was  successful  in  retaining  the  French 
troops  in  Paris,  instead  of  their  being  divided  into  two 
camps  under  the  walls  of  Paris. 

"  It  is  to  your  interest,"  the  Chancellor  said,  referring 
to  this  point,  "  since  disarmed  and  vanquished  soldiers 
may  become  a  great  danger  in  a  large  city  in  the  midst 
of  all  kinds  of  excitements." 

Favre  admitted  the  danger,  but  declared  that  he  had 
great  confidence  in  the  inhabitants  of  Paris  as  well  as 


46    Conversations  with   Prince  Bismarck 

in  the  National  Guard,  and  hoped  that  the  soldiers 
would  be  kept  under  control. 

To  Favre's  objection  that  he  was  not  in  a  position  to 
arrange  military  questions,  Bismarck  replied,  "  We  are 
both  in  such  a  position  that  our  signatures  will  suffice. 
For  my  part  I  can  conclude  any  kind  of  treaty,  and  you 
can  do  the  same,  as  you  are  accredited  by  your  Govern- 
ment. I  accept  this  Government  just  as  it  stands,  and 
I  believe  that  we  two  can  settle  everything." 

Favre  then  returned  to  Paris  and  communicated  the 
result  of  these  interviews  to  the  Ministerial  Council, 
and  it  was  decided  that  he  should  return  to  Versailles 
the  following  day,  as,  of  course,  only  the  general  con- 
ditions were  under  discussion. 

At  the  third  interview,  on  the  25th  of  January,  Favre 
desired  the  assistance  of  a  French  officer  in  discussing 
military  matters.  Bismarck,  who  had  in  the  mean  time 
consulted  Moltke,  said,  "  I  told  you  yesterday  that  we 
did  not  require  one,  for  at  the  time  I  did  not  know 
whether  we  had  to  settle  these  questions  definitely. 
Now,  however,  it  is  necessary  that  you  should  bring  a 
general  with  you  to-morrow,  and  I  should  like  to  have 
General  Schmitz,  as  he  is  the  Chief  of  General  Trochu's 
staff.  We  have  only  one  condition — a  capitulation 
must  be  signed  by  the  Chief  of  the  General's  staff." 

Bismarck  at  first  expressly  demanded  the  surrender 
of  Belfort,  and  this  Favre  absolutely  refused  to  consent 
to.  The  French 'Were  in  complete  ignorance  regarding 
the  situation  and  the  fate  of  the  Army  of  the  East, 
which  might  afford  valuable  assistance  to  that  besieged 
fortress.  It  was  therefore  agreed  to  await  the  arrival 
of  news,  which  might  be  expected  at  any  moment. 


The  Franco-German  War  47 

Unfortunately,  no  reports  were  received  between  the 
24th  and  the  28th,  or,  at  any  rate,  they  were  not 
communicated  to  the  French.  But  the  Government  of 
National  Defence  could  not  allow  the  negotiations  to 
suffer  the  least  delay  without  exposing  Paris  to  the 
danger  of  starvation.  If  the  French  Government  had 
not  negotiated,  it  would  have  been  compelled  to  sur- 
render (at  discretion)  that  very  day.  It  was  therefore 
decided  to  put  off  the  delimitation  of  the  neutral  point 
concerning  the  Army  of  the  East  until  the  respective 
conditions  of  the  combatants  were  known,  and  mean- 
while hostilities  were  to  cease  at  once. 

It  was  eight  o'clock  before  Bismarck  and  Favre 
agreed  to  order  the  cannonade  to  cease  at  midnight, 
and,  although  Favre  used  his  utmost  endeavours,  he  did 
not  reach  Paris  until  about  10  p.m. 

The  next  day  General  de  Beaufort  d'Hautpoul  accom- 
panied Jules  Favre,  but  he  appears  to  have  been  un- 
suitable for  the  purpose  in  hand,  for  Favre  reported  to 
his  Government,  "  I  cannot  go  to  Versailles  again  with 
Beaufort ;  let  us  follow  the  rule,  and  give  me  General 
Valdau,  the  Chief  of  the  General  Staff." 

After  the  armistice  had  been  signed  (January  28), 
the  following  telegram  was  sent  to  Gambetta  at  Bor- 
deaux by  Favre :  "  Nous  avons  signe  un  armistice, 
faites-le  immediatement  executer  jpartout."  This  tele- 
gram was  written  about  11  p.m.  with  the  same  pen 
with  which  Favre  signed  the  capitulation.  Later  on 
it  was  asserted  that  this  momentous  message  was 
worded  by  Bismarck,  or  was,  at  least,  composed  under 
his  supervision ;  but  this  has  been  denied  by  Bismarck. 
During  the  days  which  followed  the  signature  of 


48    Conversations  with   Prince  Bismarck 

the  armistice,  Favre  busied  himself  with  endeavouring 
to  get  the  neutral  zone  fixed,  and  also  with  Bismarck's 
declaration  that  he  would  have  Garibaldi  shot  if  he 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Germans,  as  he  was  a  free- 
booter, and  had  no  right  to  bear  arms  against  Prussia. 
Favre,  however,  insisted  on  Garibaldi  being  included  in 
the  armistice. 

As  the  French  National  Assembly  was  about  to 
meet  at  Bordeaux  (February  12,  1871)  Jules  Favre 
said  to  the  Chancellor,  "The  National  Assembly  is 
about  to  meet ;  inform  me  confidentially  of  your  con- 
ditions, if  you  will.  I  shall  be  able  to  arrange  the 
further  details." 

Bismarck,  however,  declined  to  do  so,  and  Favre 
had  to  depart  in  ignorance  of  the  demands  which 
Germany  intended  to  make. 

Thiers  and  Jules  Favee  at  Versailles  * 
February  21-26,  1871 

Having  quitted  Bordeaux  on  February  19,  the  two 
French  negotiators  arrived  in  Paris  on  the  following 
day.  There  was,  indeed,  no  time  to  be  lost,  for  the 
armistice  was  to  end  on  February  21. 

M.  Thiers  alone  proceeded  to  Versailles,  where 
Bismarck  accorded  him  a  sympathetic  reception,  and 
obtained  an  extension  of  the  armistice  without  any 
trouble.  The  Chancellor,  however,  remained  unshaken 
with  regard  to  the  conditions  of  peace,  which  his  royal 
master  had  ordered  him  to  insist  upon  as  an  ultimatum. 

*  Jules  Favre,  "  Simple  recit  d'un  membre  du  Gouveraement  do 
la  d(5feiise  nationale." 


The  Franco-German  War  49 

France  was  to  cede  the  whole  of  Alsace,  including 
Belfort,  the  town  and  fortifications  of  Metz,  and  the 
greater  part  of  the  departments  of  the  Moselle  and 
Meurthe,  besides  paying  an  indemnity  of  six  milliards. 

Thiers  made  no  attempt  to  conceal  his  consternation, 
and  informed  the  Chancellor  that  he  was  greatly  mis- 
taken if  he  thought  that  France  was  so  exhausted  that 
she  had  to  accept  dishonouring  or  impossible  conditions. 
To  demand  two  of  the  finest  provinces,  and  to  take 
away  their  inhabitants  against  their  will  and  disregard- 
ing their  opinions  and  feelings,  would,  he  feared,  be 
an  act  of  violence  to  which  the  country  would  not 
submit.  The  indemnity  demanded  was  so  fabulous  a 
sum,  that  it  was  difficult  to  believe  that  it  could  be 
meant  seriously.  One's  powers  of  imagination  failed  to 
grasp  the  financial  operations  necessary  to  support  this 
burden.  Not  only  would  double  the  national  savings 
be  absorbed,  but  capitalists  and  landed  proprietors 
would  be  ruined,  and  a  dislocation  of  European  finance 
would  result,  which  would  become  a  public  disaster. 
He  concluded  by  requesting  to  see  the  King,  in  order 
to  convince  himself  of  the  truth  of  these  statements. 

Bismarck  then  brought  word  that  the  King  would 
willingly  receive  M.  Thiers,  but  requested  that  politics 
might  not  be  touched  on,  as  he  could  not  depart  from 
his  rule  of  leaving  to  the  Federal  Chancellor  the  dis- 
cussion of  public  affairs. 

The  second  interview,  on  February  22,  also  took 
place  in  the  absence  of  Jules  Favre.  In  reply  to 
repeated  entreaties  to  reconsider  the  amount  of  the 
indemnity,  Bismarck  observed  that  the  sum  which 
seemed    so    enormous    to    him    would    be    thought 

£ 


50     Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

insufficient  in  Germany,  where  the  ransom  of  France 
was  estimated  at  twelve  and  even  sixteen  milliards. 
Even  this  sum  would  not  suffice  to  compensate  for 
the  damages  incurred,  whilst  the  reduction  to  six 
milliards  would  be  taken  as  a  sign  of  weakness.  The 
Chancellor  added  that  long  discussions  were  not  neces- 
sary, and  that  the  King  had  formally  expressed  the 
wish  that  a  fresh  extension  of  the  armistice  might 
be  avoided;  so  he  would  have  a  treaty  elaborated, 
and  the  various  articles  could  be  discussed  singly.  It 
was  a  question  of  a  few  short  and  comprehensive 
resolutions,  which  could  not  give  rise  to  serious  con- 
troversies, since  they  would  practically  form  an 
ultimatum. 

Thiers  strongly  opposed  this  procedure,  for  he  had 
not  abandoned  the  hope  of  being  heard  by  coming  to 
Versailles.  He  also  resented  the  pressure  brought  to 
bear  on  him  to  sign  a  document  without  discussion, 
as  this  would  ruin  his  country  and  break  it  up  into 
fragments.  Prussia,  in  signing  the  armistice,  had 
pledged  herself  to  enter  upon  negotiations  with  the 
National  Assembly,  convoked  for  that  purpose,  and 
such  negotiations  must  mean  discussions,  mutual  ex- 
planations, and  even  concessions  if  the  interests  of 
both  parties  demanded  it.  He  would  not  refuse  to 
give  his  opinion  in  examining  the  draft,  but  he  expressly 
reserved  his  right  to  propose  alterations. 

No  reply  was  vouchsafed  to  these  remarks,  as  the 
Chancellor  at  once  returned  to  the  question  of  the 
indemnity,  and  wished  to  demonstrate  that  the  amount 
was  neither  excessive  nor  hard  to  pay.  "  We  have  fore- 
seen everything,"  he  said,  "  and  we  are  greatly  inclined 


The  Franco-German  War  51 

to  help  you  out  of  your  difficulty.  Two  of  our  highest 
financiers  have  planned  a  combination  which  will  make 
the  payment  of  this  apparently  enormous  sum  almost 
easy  for  you.  If  you  accept  their  support,  we  shall 
have  solved  a  great  part  of  the  question ;  the  rest  will 
not  give  any  trouble." 

However,  the  services  of  Count  Henckel  and  Bleich- 
roder  were  not  accepted,  and  on  February  23  Thiers 
again  went  to  Versailles,  accompanied  this  time  by 
Jules  Favre,  in  whose  presence  all  subsequent  nego- 
tiations took  place. 

Bismarck  commenced  by  informing  them  that  the 
King  had  consented  to  reduce  the  indemnity  by  one 
milliard  francs.  Again  the  French  negotiators  argued 
about  the  principle  of  this  demand,  though  they  con- 
ceded that  the  victors  had  a  right  to  demand  the 
expenses  of  the  war,  and  also  a  proportionate  compen- 
sation for  damages.  They  denied  them  the  right,  how- 
ever, of  speculating  on  their  success,  and  of  enriching 
themselves  at  the  cost  of  the  vanquished.  Plunder  had 
long  since  been  condemned  by  civilized  nations  even 
during  the  campaign.  Though  a  commander  might 
procure  necessary  supplies  for  his  men  by  forcible 
requisition,  he  was  forbidden  to  appropriate  the  posses- 
sions of  the  inhabitants  by  looting ;  how  much  more, 
then,  was  it  against  the  universally  respected  laws  of 
society  to  establish  by  treaty  that  the  victorious  nation, 
after  obtaining  a  tribute  more  than  sufficient  to  cover 
its  losses,  might  seize  the  wealth  of  its  vanquished  foe  ! 

In  applying  this  elementary  legal  principle  to  the 
situation  of  France,  Thiers  and  Favre  demonstrated 
that  two  milliards  would  amply  cover  the  war  expenses 


52     Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

of  Germany,  and  that  a  demand  of  five  milliards  was 
a  veritable  robbery. 

Again  the  Chancellor  denied  the  statements  made 
regarding  the  German  losses  caused  by  the  war. 
Germany  was  morally  justified  in  demanding  the 
cession  of  territory  and  the  payment  of  the  indemnity ; 
discussion  was  therefore  out  of  place.  He  did  not 
appear  perturbed  by  the  statement  that  the  loss  of  the 
provinces  would  unavoidably  lead  to  another  war  later 
on,  and  replied,  "  We  are  aware  of  that ;  we  reckon  on 
a  conflict,  and  hope  that  we  shall  not  be  taken  unawares." 

The  French  negotiators  then  directed  all  their  efforts 
to  saving  Metz  and  Belfort  from  the  misfortune  of 
annexation.  According  to  Favre's  narrative,  M.  Thiers 
succeeded  in  moving  the  Iron  Chancellor  by  his  noble 
bearing  and  his  eloquence,  now  imploring,  now  threaten- 
ing, until  Bismarck  withdrew  to  ascertain  the  King's 
wishes  regarding  Belfort,  and  to  confer  with  Moltke. 
After  the  lapse  of  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  he  returned 
with  the  information  that  the  King  had  gone  out  and 
would  not  be  back  before  dinner,  and  that  Moltke  was 
also  away ;  half  an  hour  later  Moltke  was  announced, 
and  Bismarck  conferred  with  him  alone. 

At  the  end  of  another  mauvais  quart  d^heure,  Bismarck 
opened  the  door  of  the  adjoining  room,  and,  standing 
on  the  threshold,  said,  "  In  pursuance  of  the  King's 
desire,  I  have  had  to  demand  the  entry  of  our  troops 
into  Paris.  You  have  explained  your  anxieties  to  me, 
and  requested  that  this  clause  be  omitted.  We  will 
concede  this  if  you  leave  us  Belfort." 

Bismarck  thought  that  the  French  would  be  unable 
to  withstand  the  temptation  of  withdrawing  the  capital 


The  Franco-German  War  53 

from  the  grasp  of  the  victors.  Thiers,  however, 
declared  that  Paris  was  ready  to  drink  the  cup  of 
humiliation  to  the  dregs,  and  that  the  grief  of  the 
capital  would  be  the  ransom  of  Belfort. 

"  Think  over  it  well,"  replied  Bismarck.  "  You  may 
perhaps  regret  having  refused  this  offer." 

"  We  should  be  untrue  to  our  duty  if  we  accepted  it," 
said  Thiers. 

The  door  was  again  closed  for  Bismarck's  conference 
with  Moltke  to  be  continued.  The  Chancellor  after- 
wards told  the  French  negotiators  that  it  only  remained 
to  gain  the  ling's  consent,  for  which  he  would  have  to 
wait  until  dinner  was  over. 

At  length,  about  8  p.m.,  Thiers  reaped  the  fruit  of 
his  exertions,  and  France  retained  Belfort. 

Two  separate  documents  of  the  same  date  were 
decided  on — the  one  to  extend  and  regulate  the  armis- 
tice, the  other  to  specify  the  conditions  of  the  peace 
preliminaries. 

The  armistice  was  to  be  extended  to  March  12,  in 
order  that  the  National  Assembly  might  have  the 
necessary  time  to  deliberate.  Another  clause  provided 
for  the  entry  of  the  Germans  into  Paris. 

The  regions  occupied  by  the  Germans  were  to  be 
handed  over  in  proportion  to  the  payment  of  five 
milliards.  Bismarck,  however,  made  the  concession 
that  the  territorial  guarantee  for  the  payment  of  the 
last  three  milliards  might  be  replaced  by  a  financial 
one,  to  be  approved  of  by  the  Emperor. 

In  discussing  these  matters  the  Chancellor  remarked 
that  he  had  great  confidence  in  the  honesty  of  the 
French  negotiators,  but  that  in  his  eyes  the  sincerity  of 


54     Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

France  was  rather  doubtful.  The  French  nation  had 
not  changed ;  they  only  thought  of  beginning  the  war 
again,  and  would  seize  every  opportunity  with  avidity 
to  gratify  their  patriotic  passions.  Consequently,  since 
he  could  not  reckon  on  a  loyal  execution  of  French 
promises,  he  was  obliged  to  ask  for  material  guarantees. 
However,  it  was  not  impossible  for  France  to  find  suffi- 
cient securities.  If,  for  instance,  the  firm  of  Rothschild 
offered  Germany  a  surety  with  their  signature,  he  would 
have  no  further  objection  to  the  withdrawal  of  the 
German  troops  after  the  payment  of  the  first  two 
milliards. 

The  following  day  (25th)  found  Bismarck  in  an 
exceptional  state  of  annoyance  and  irritation ;  he  re- 
proached Thiers  with  returning  to  matters  already  dis- 
cussed and  settled,  and  with  aiming  at  the  withdrawal 
of  concessions  he  had  already  made.  All  this,  he  alleged, 
was  done  with  a  view  to  resuming  military  operations. 
The  reason  of  this  outbreak  was  attributed  to  a  despatch 
of  Lord  Granville  handed  to  Bismarck  by  Odo  Eussell 
the  day  before.  This  belief  was  confirmed  by  the  fol- 
lowing words  which  fell  from  the  Chancellor's  lips  :  "  I 
can  see  clearly  that  you  have  no  other  object  than  to 
resume  the  struggle ;  and  in  doing  so  you  will  have  the 
support  and  advice  of  your  good  friends,  the  English." 

Jules  Favre  begged  him  to  explain  the  meaning  of 
his  words,  and  added  that  Bismarck  of  all  men  should 
know  how  impossible  it  was  for  them  to  cherish  the 
motives  attributed  to  them.  But  the  longer  the  inter- 
view lasted  the  more  irritable  the  Chancellor  became  ; 
he  declared  that  he  was  ill  and  out  of  sorts,  and  that 
the  negotiations  were  drawn  out  on  purpose.     At  last 


The  Franco-German  War  55 

his  anger  broke  out  completely,  and,  striding  up  and 
down  the  room,  he  declared — 

"  I  think  I  am  very  considerate  in  taking  all  the 
trouble  which  you  put  me  to.  Our  conditions  are  an 
ultimatum;  you  can  accept  or  decline  them.  I  will 
hear  nothing  more  about  it.  Bring  an  interpreter  with 
you  to-morrow  ;  I  will  not  speak  French  any  more  !  " 
and  with  that  he  commenced  to  talk  aloud  in  German. 

The  announcement  of  dinner  at  five  o'clock  put  an  end 
to  the  scene,  and  on  resuming  the  negotiations  Bismarck 
appeared  to  his  French  colleagues  to  be  desirous  of 
making  them  forget  the  violent  scene  they  had  witnessed. 

At  1  p.m.  on  Sunday,  the  26th  of  February,  1871, 
Thiers  and  Jules  Favre  returned  to  Versailles  to  sign 
the  peace  treaty.  Whilst  they  were  waiting  for  the 
documents  to  be  got  ready,  a  general  conversation 
ensued,  at  the  end  of  which  Bismarck  said,  "  I  consider 
it  advisable  that  my  colleagues  from  Bavaria,  Wiirtem- 
berg,  and  Baden  should  be  present." 

The  French  statesmen  had  no  objection  to  the  presence 
of  these  representatives,  whose  reception  by  Bismarck 
was  hardly  calculated  to  make  them  abandon  their 
modest  rSle.  They  were  permitted  to  hear  the  treaty 
read  and  to  sign  it,  which  they  did  without  remark. 

With  a  beaming  face,  Bismarck,  before  signing  his 
name,  called  for  a  gold  pen,  which  had  been  presented 
to  him  for  the  purpose.  Thiers  attached  his  signature 
in  silence,  without  betraying  the  emotion  which  he  felt, 
and  Jules  Favre  followed  his  example.  The  French 
negotiators  then  took  their  leave. 

Bismarck's  task  was  ended :  it  was  worthy  of  the 
great  statesman. 


56     Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

Bismarck  and  the  Paris  Contribution* 

Towards  the  end  of  February,  1871,  a  report  was 
spread  that  the  German  head-quarters  would  not 
return  to  Germany  on  the  appointed  date,  as  the  city 
of  Paris  had  stopped  the  payment  of  its  contribution, 
amounting  to  200  million  francs. 

This  report  was  confirmed,  but  it  soon  appeared  that 
there  was  no  reason  to  fear  the  resumption  of  hostilities. 
MM.  Jules  Favre  and  Pouyer-Quertier  went  to  the 
Chancellor  and  told  him  that,  though  the  Banque  de 
France  was  ready  to  hand  over  the  balance  of  the  con- 
tribution, amounting  to  100  millions,  it  was  unable  to 
do  so  for  want  of — money-bags.  To  hand  over  the 
coins  in  bulk  would  cause  great  inconvenience  and  loss 
of  time  both  to  the  payer  and  the  receiver. 

Bismarck  at  once  grasped  the  difficulty  of  the  situa- 
tion, and  offered  to  afford  any  assistance  in  his  power. 
German  manufacturers  were  at  once  ordered  to  send 
canvas  to  Paris  to  be  made  up  into  bags.  But  the 
Finance  Minister  had  yet  another  difficulty  to  contend 
with. 

*'  Your  Excellency,"  he  remarked,  "  according  to  the 
law  the  Banque  de  France  charges  seventy-five  centimes 
for  each  money-bag,  and  this  amount " 

"  We  will  willingly  pay  for  every  bag,"  interrupted 
Bismarck,  and  the  bill  (for  over  23,500  francs)  was 
paid  without  demi^r. 

These  canvas  bags  were  in  use  for  many  years  at  the 
Eeichshank,  though  few  of  its  customers  knew,  perhaps, 
how  important  a  part  they  once  played.     Each  bag 

*  "  Tagliche  Kundscliau." 


' 


I 


The  Franco-German  War  57 


contained  the  same  amount  of  gold  coin,  and  on  being 
counted  not  one  of  them  proved  to  be  short.  This  was 
also  true  of  the  payments  made  in  paper,  although  one 
forged  note  of  100  thalers  was  discovered.  The  forgery- 
was  an  excellent  one,  correct  in  every  detail,  with  the 
exception  that  the  words,  "He  who  hands  William  or 
Bismarck  over  alive  to  the  Government  of  the  French 
Eepublic  will  receive  the  sum  of  ten  million  francs," 
were  substituted  in  lieu  of  the  penal  declaration.  This 
forged  note  was  sold  at  once  as  an  interesting  memento 
of  the  war  for  100  thalers,  if  only  to  avoid  a  monitum 
from  the  Exchequer.  The  expenditure  of  23,500  francs 
for  the  bags  was  also  passed,  after  the  French  law  and 
the  custom  of  the  Banque  on  this  point  had  been 
verified. 


Negotiations  at  Frankfort-on-the-Main, 
May  6—10,  1871  * 

The  first  meeting  of  the  French  plenipotentiaries,  MM. 
Jules  Favre  and  Pouyer-Quertier,  with  the  Chancellor 
of  the  German  Empire  took  place  on  Saturday,  May  6, 
1871,  at  the  Hotel  Zum  Schwan.  After  alluding  to 
events  connected  with  the  Paris  insurrection,  Favre 
assured  Prince  Bismarck  of  the  sincere  desire  of  the 
French  Government  to  avoid  all  misconceptions  and 
misunderstandings  which  might  hinder  the  conclusion 
of  a  peace. 

"  These  events,"  replied  Bismarck,  "  are  of  such  im- 
portance that  Germany  would  be  justified  in  regarding 

*  Jules  Favre,  "  Simple  Re'cit,"  etc. 


58     Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

the  treaty  of  February  26  as  no  longer  binding,  since 
the  execution  of  the  principal  resolutions  has  become 
impossible.  Germany,  if  she  wishes,  can  either  revoke 
the  treaty  or  hold  you  to  an  exact  execution  of  the 
obligations  thereby  imposed  on  you.  An  entirely 
new  situation  has  arisen,  and  must  be  taken  into  con- 
sideration. This  is  imperatively  demanded  by  our  in- 
terests, which  become  more  and  more  involved.  In 
my  last  despatches  I  have  continually  pointed  this 
out.  We  do  not  suspect  the  good  faith  of  the  French 
Government,  but  we  fear  that  it  does  not  possess  the 
power  of  surmounting  the  threatening  obstacles.  At 
the  time  we  opened  up  communications,  the  Govern- 
ment appeared  at  least  to  be  invested  with  full  sove- 
reignty; to-day  it  is  expelled  from  the  capital,  after 
besieging  the  city  for  almost  two  months  without  much 
prospect  of  taking  it.  Triumphant  in  Paris,  the  insur- 
rection may,  at  any  moment,  break  out  in  several  large 
towns.  If  the  insurrection  is  victorious,  its  leaders 
will  hasten  to  turn  against  us  the  forces  whose  organi- 
zation we  have  permitted.  United  with  the  troops  of 
the  Commune,  they  will  be  able  to  throw  themselves 
on  our  forces  and  compel  us  to  commence  a  fresh 
bloody  struggle.  We  cannot  take  the  risk  of  these 
eventualities.  The  treaty  of  the  26th  of  February  has 
also  been  violated  in  other  respects.  Article  III.  settles 
that  immediately  after  ratification,  and  in  accordance 
with  an  agreement  between  the  two  Governments,  nine 
of  the  occupied  departments  are  to  be  wholly  vacated, 
and  six  others  as  far  as  the  left  bank  of  the  Seine; 
that  the  French  army  is  to  retire  behind  the  Loire; 
and  that  the  Eastern  departments  are  also  to  be  vacated 


The  Franco-German  War  59 

after  the  payment  of  the  first  half-milliard.  By  this 
method  the  greater  part  of  our  army  was  to  return  to 
Germany  after  a  brief  period,  and  the  unbearable  and 
ruinously  expensive  absence  of  the  troops  was  to  come 
to  an  end.  You  surely  know  the  sufferings  imposed 
on  our  people  by  the  absence  of  the  troops  and  the 
burdens  on  our  Exchequer  connected  therewith.  In 
calculating  the  number  of  our  troops  for  whom  you 
have  to  provide  supplies,  an  error  of  150,000  men  was 
made  against  us  by  our  commissaries.  We  made  no 
claim,  because  we  thought  that  it  was  only  a  matter  of 
a  few  days.  To-day  this  error  costs  us  several  millions, 
and  the  expense  is  still  increasing.  Your  Government 
does  not  appear  to  take  these  matters  into  consideration. 
We  have  allowed  you  to  raise  your  army  to  more  than 
100,000  combatants;  we  have  sent  back  more  than 
80,000  prisoners  of  war,  and  you  now  demand  more. 
You  seem  to  prolong  the  siege  of  Paris  to  an  eternity ; 
nor  have  you  even  returned  the  captured  ships.  We 
will  not,  we  cannot,  follow  you  further  on  this  path. 
On  the  other  hand,  your  Brussels  plenipotentiaries 
systematically  prolong  the  negotiations,  which  are  to 
result  in  a  definite  peace,  and  endeavour  to  modify  the 
conditions  of  the  preliminary  treaty  to  your  advantage, 
and  are  in  no  way  concerned  to  hasten  your  tasks.  In 
this  way  everything  is  brought  into  question,  and  we 
see  our  guarantees  dwindling  away.  The  Emperor  has 
ordered  me  to  ask  for  new  pledges,  and  to  arrange  for  a 
supplementary  treaty  on  those  points.  If  you  decline 
to  accede  to  such  a  treaty,  we  shall  demand  from  you 
the  exact  execution  of  the  treaty  of  the  26th  of  February, 
and  in  particular  the  retirement  behind  the  Loire  of 


6o     Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

that  portion  of  your  army  which  exceeds  40,000  men. 
We  shall  reserve  our  freedom  of  action  regarding  the 
suppression  of  the  Paris  insurrection,  as  well  as  the 
locality  of  the  future  negotiations,  which  cannot  be 
continued  at  Brussels." 

Favre  retorted  that  the  German  proposals  were  tan- 
tamount to  a  resumption  of  hostilities.  France  had 
reached  the  furthest  limits  of  her  sacrifices,  and  to 
demand  more  would  only  drive  her  to  a  war  of  de- 
spair. As  a  proof  of  the  honest  and  loyal  intention  of 
his  Government,  Jules  Favre  offered  to  negotiate  a 
definite  peace  there  and  then.  The  fall  of  the  Paris 
Commune  was  only  a  question  of  time,  but  if  the  army 
was  forced  to  retire  behind  the  Loire,  the  Commune 
would  at  once  become  securely  established;  nay,  the 
very  mention  of  German  intervention  would  at  once 
recruit  their  ranks.  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  peace 
were  to  be  signed  at  once,  a  fresh  weapon  would  be 
given  to  the  French  Government  for  the  suppression  of 
the  Commune. 

The  Chancellor  replied,  "  I  do  not  absolutely  decline 
this  solution ;  I  am  even  inclined  to  prefer  it  to  any 
other :  that  will  be  sufficient  proof  for  you  that  we  in 
no  way  cherish  the  intention  of  driving  you  to  extremes, 
for  I  should  fear  that  as  much  as  you.  But  you  cannot 
deny  that  the  present  crisis,  since  it  has  materially 
weakened  your  political  credit,  has  also  diminished  the 
value  of  our  sureties.  Since  your  present  position  does 
not  offer  us  the  same  guarantees  as  hitherto  we  may 
have  to  look  for  them  elsewhere.  "We  demand  a  more 
effectual  pledge  for  the  conclusion  of  peace  on  the  basis 
of  the  conditions  of  the  preliminary  treaty,  and  for  the 


~^&.. 


The  Franco-German  War  6i 

payment  of  the  indemnity.  I  think  that  if  we  were  to 
come  to  an  understanding  on  this  point,  we  should 
regulate  the  others  very  quickly." 

Favre  remarked  that  everything  depended  on  the 
nature  and  amounts  of  the  guarantees  required,  and 
asked  for  further  information. 

"  We  should  like,"  replied  Bismarck,  "  to  reserve  the 
right  of  deciding  when  your  Government — which,  as  I 
hope,  is  now  victorious — has  attained  such  stability  that 
we  can  quit  your  territory.     In  this  sense  the  treaty  of 
the  26th  of  February,  which  fixes  the  gradual  withdrawal 
of  our  occupation  after  the  payment  of  each  half-milliard, 
and  which  only  allows  us  a  garrison  of  50,000  men  to 
hold  six  departments  after  the  payment  of  the  fourth 
instalment,   would  have    to  be   modified.     You  have 
nothing  to  fear  from  this  new  resolution ;  we  have  the 
greatest  interest  in  the  return  of  our  troops,  since  it  is 
the  wish  of  Germany,  and  we  should  be  foolish  and 
guilty  if  we  did  not  comply  with  this  desire.     As  soon 
as  you  have  restored  order,  we  shall  vacate  your  terri- 
tory in  the  most  complete  manner ;  too  great  a  haste 
might  be  as  dangerous  to  you  as  to  us.    We  ask  further 
from  you,  as  a  necessary  condition  for  the  safety  of  our 
troops,  the  right  to  control  the  approaches  to  the  gates 
of  Paris  and  to  patrol  the  hitherto  neutral  zone  be- 
tween our    lines   and    your  walls.      It  is  merely   a 
question  of  exercising  a  police  duty  which  you  cannot 
deny  us,   and  which   may   prevent   annoying  irregu- 
larities." 

M.  Favre  wished  to  postpone  these  subsidiary  ques- 
tions to  a  further  interview,  and  for  the  present  urged 
the  necessity  of  coming  to  an  understanding  regarding 


62     Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

the  peace  treaty,  which  would  put  an  end  to  the  un- 
decided and  dangerous  situation. 

The  Prince  approved  of  this  project,  and  congratulated 
the  French  negotiators  on  thus  avoiding  dangerous  com- 
plications. 

"I  cannot,"  he  added,  "conceal  from  you  the  fact 
that  I  am  the  bearer  of  an  ultimatum,  and  that  I  am 
ordered  to  present  it  to  you.  Thanks  to  the  frankness 
of  your  declarations,  I  regard  it  as  unnecessary,  though 
at  the  same  time,  as  it  is  my  duty,  I  cannot  withdraw 
from  communicating  it  to  you.  I  request  you  to  accept 
it  if  only  to  cover  your  responsibility  towards  the 
National  Assembly,  which,  if  it  has  to  ratify  our  conven- 
tion, must  recognize  the  unavoidable  situation  by  which 
it  came  to  pass." 

The  interview,  which  had  lasted  four  hours,  then  came 
to  an  end,  and  its  purport  was  at  once  reported  to  M. 
Thiers,  who  signified  his  approval  of  the  results  achieved. 

At  noon  the  following  day.  Prince  Bismarck,  accom- 
panied by  his  suite,  returned  the  visit  of  the  French 
plenipotentiaries.  He  commenced  by  protesting  against 
the  document,  which  he  was  about  to  bring  to  their 
notice,  being  regarded  in  any  way  as  a  threat,  and 
expressed  the  hope  that  an  amicable  agreement  would 
be  arrived  at;  he  had,  however,  to  execute  a  direct 
order  of  his  Government,  and  would  therefore  read  the 
note  aloud. 

"  With  reference  to  our  interview  of  yesterday,  I  have 
the  honour  to  draw  your  Excellency's  attention  to  the 
fact  that  the  present  situation  in  Prance  differs  materially 
from  that  which  was  taken  into  consideration  at  the 
time  of  the  signature  of  the  peace  preliminaries.     The 


I 


The  Franco-German  War  63 

Government  of  the  Eepublic  does  not  possess  to-day 
the  same  power  of  fulfilling  its  engagements  as  it  did 
at  that  date.  The  Paris  insurrection  has,  by  altering 
the  situation,  endangered  the  future  on  which  we 
believed  ourselves  able  to  reckon.  Since  the  French 
Government  has  been  obliged  to  leave  Paris  in  the 
hands  of  the  insurrection  and  thus  to  trespass  upon 
the  conditions  of  the  peace  preliminaries  in  order  to 
seek  the  means  of  re-establishing  its  disputed  authority, 
we  must  fear  that  similar  occurrences  might  happen 
again  even  if  the  Government  succeeds  in  regaining 
possession  of  the  capital.  "We  have  hitherto  abstained 
from  an  attack  on  Paris,  which  would  put  an  end  to  an 
abnormal  situation  which  was  not  considered  in  the 
treaty  of  the  26th  of  February,  but  this  uncertainty 
cannot  be  prolonged  without  prejudice  to  our  interests. 
We  have  agreed  to  a  concentration  of  French  troops 
sufficient  to  imperil  our  position  in  the  event  of  an 
unexpected  turn  of  affairs,  but  we  can  now  no  longer 
maintaia  this  passive  attitude  in  the  face  of  circum- 
stances which  are  at  variance  with  the  conditions  of 
the  peace  preliminaries.  Unless  France  is  able  to  give 
us  guarantees  which  will  protect  German  interests 
with  greater  certainty  against  any  future  disturbances 
hindering  the  peace  of  France,  we  must  secure  them 
for  ourselves. 

"We  should  like  to  seek  these  guarantees  in  the 
conscientious  execution  of  the  conventions  concluded 
up  to  the  present  date,  according  to  which  the  French 
troops  stationed  outside  Paris  would  retire  to  the  south 
of  the  Loire.  Unless  the  French  Government  would 
be  williug  to  come  to  an  agreement  whereby,  after 


64     Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

the  payment  of  the  first  half-milliard  of  the  indemnity, 
the  German  troops  would  continue  to  occupy  the  Paris 
forts  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Seine,  with  the 
corresponding  portion  of  the  neutral  zone  up  to  the  walls 
of  the  city,  as  well  as  the  gates  situate  on  the  right  bank. 
In  that  case  the  evacuation,  provided  for  by  the  treaty 
of  the  26th  of  February,  would,  for  the  time  being,  be 
restricted  to  the  departments  of  the  Somme,  Seine  In- 
ferieure,  and  Eure,  and  the  evacuation  demanded  by 
Article  B  of  the  peace  preliminaries  would  only  follow 
in  its  full  extent  when  the  political  situation  of  France 
is  sufficiently  established  to  offer  security  that  the 
French  Government  Avould  be  able  to  fulfil  its  engage- 
ments to  Germany.  It  would  be  contrary  to  the 
interests  of  Germany  to  prolong  the  occupation  beyond 
the  time  which  France  requires  her  Government  to  be 
firmly  established,  because  the  expenses  of  maintaining 
our  armies  in  France  far  exceed  all  sums  which  France 
contributes  thereto.  The  interests  of  both  countries 
do  not  permit  us  to  allow  such  a  situation  to  continue 
which  leaves  them  in  uncertainty,  both  as  regards  the 
future  of  their  material  relations  and  the  continuation 
of  circumstances  which  amount  neither  to  war  or  peace. 
"  In  order  to  put  an  end  to  this,  we  shall  endeavour 
at  our  present  conference  to  agree  about  the  chief 
questions  to  be  solved  in  the  definitive  peace  treaty.  If 
we  do  not  succeed  in  this,  and  if  the  French  Government 
refuses  to  give  tis  the  pledges  which  I  have  just  had  the 
honour  to  indicate  to  your  Excellency,  Germany  will 
above  all  reserve  the  right  to  take  steps  against  the 
irregular  conditions  at  present  prevailing  in  Paris,  and 
to  insist  on  the  strict  execution  of  the  condition  which 


The  Franco-German  War  65 

directs  the  French  Government  to  withdraw  its  troops 
south  of  the  Loire. 

''Accept,  etc., 

"  V.  Bismarck." 

Favre  informed  the  Chancellor  that  he  accepted  the 
note  only  with  the  explanation  which  had  preceded  its 
presentation,  and  requested  that  the  negotiations  might 
commence  at  once.  Prince  Bismarck  replied  in  a  few 
polite  words,  and  returned  to  his  hotel,  accompanied 
en  route  by  the  cheers  of  the  crowd  assembled  in  the 
streets. 

The  conference  was  resumed  an  hour  later  at  the 
Hotel  Zum  Schwan,  and  the  question  of  the  securities 
was  discussed  with  some  warmth,  for  Bismarck  appeared 
to  doubt  the  desire  of  the  French  for  a  rapid  conclusion 
of  the  peace  negotiations. 

"  Your  actions,"  he  exclaimed,  "  are  of  more  impor- 
tance than  your  words,  and  what  we  learn  about  the 
former  inspires  us  with  little  confidence.  You  have  not 
abandoned  the  hope,  a  chimerical  one  in  my  eyes,  of 
interesting  Europe  in  your  affairs,  and  you  believe  you  will 
be  able  to  achieve  an  alteration  of  the  conditions  of  peace 
by  an  intervention.  Therefore  you  search  everywhere 
for  hostile  feelings  which  may  embarrass  us.  Even 
quite  recently  you  turned  to  Eussia.  Our  ambassador 
at  St.  Petersburg  reported  this  to  me  this  morning." 

Favre  interrupted  the  Chancellor  to  inform  him  that, 
though  he  had  made  efforts  to  awaken  the  sense  of 
justice  in  Europe,  he  was  incapable  of  playing  a  double 
game,  and  therefore  requested  that  the  despatch  referred 
to  might  be  communicated  to  him. 


66  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

The  Prince  sent  for  the  telegram,  in  which  the 
ambassador  reported  a  conversation  with  Gortschakoff 
who  had  received  a  note  from  the  Minister  of  the 
Exterior.  This  expressed  a  wish  that  the  Czar  might 
exercise  his  influence  on  his  venerable  uncle,  the 
German  Emperor,  in  order  to  bring  about  a  speedy- 
peace,  and  so  put  an  end  to  the  dangerous  continuation 
of  this  mutual  lack  of  confidence. 

In  reply  to  an  entreaty  to  diminish  rather  than 
increase  the  burden  of  the  occupation,  the  Chancellor 
observed — 

"  You  forget  that  this  occupation,  which  you  complain 
of,  presses  more  hardly  on  us  than  on  you.  Our  army 
is  the  nation  itself,  and  if  it  is  stationed  on  your 
territory,  our  country  is  impoverished.  Every  family 
is  angered  by  the  absence  of  a  member,  and  this  is  not 
justified  by  war.  We  demand  that  we  alone  have  to 
decide  when  the  withdrawal  of  our  troops  is  opportune, 
not  in  order  to  leave  them  an  unnecessarily  long  time 
on  your  soil,  but  so  that  we  may  not  be  forced  later  on 
to  lead  them  there  again.  Moreover,  the  Emperor's 
orders  are  quite  definite  on  this  point,  and  we  can  make 
no  concessions." 

Notwithstanding  the  determined  attitude  of  the 
Germans  in  this  matter,  the  French  succeeded  in 
arranging  that  the  fifteen  departments  mentioned  in 
the  peace  preliminaries  were  to  be  evacuated  after  the 
payment  of  the  third  half-milliard,  and  this  they 
obtained  without  any  consideration  of  the  views  of  the 
Prussian  Cabinet  regarding  the  situation  in  France. 

The  question  of  guarding  the  gates  of  Paris  was  more 
successfully  contested,  and  Bismarck  contented  himself 


C. 


The  Franco-German  War  67 

with  the  right  of  sending  patrols  round  the  neutral  zone 
outside  Paris. 

The  district  round  Belfort,  which  was  to  remain 
French,  was  then  minutely  discussed.  In  Versailles 
Bismarck  estimated  the  radius  of  the  district  at  seven 
kilometres,  but,  since  this  was  the  minimum,  the  French 
delegates  endeavoured  to  obtain  a  more  generous  con- 
cession. Eelying  on  strategical  geographical  arguments, 
as  well  as  on  the  manifest  desire  of  the  population  to 
remain  French,  they  demanded  an  extension  of  territory 
to  the  north,  south,  and  west.  Bismarck  promised  to 
investigate  these  claims  with  a  view  to  approving  of 
them,  and  suggested  at  the  same  time  that  a  portion  of 
the  French  demands  might  be  granted  in  return  for  an 
equivalent  elsewhere.  The  French  negotiators  protested 
against  this  view.  It  was  not  a  business  question  when 
every  concession  called  for  a  compensation ;  moreover, 
they  were  not  empowered  to  dispose  of  what  the  peace 
preliminaries  had  left  or  promised  to  them. 

On  reassembling  the  following  day  (May  8),  Bis- 
marck informed  the  French  delegates  that  Germany 
consented  to  the  proposed  area  round  Belfort,  but 
demanded  a  strip  of  about  ten  kilometres  along  the 
Luxemburg  frontier.  The  French  would  thus  obtain 
27,000  inhabitants  and  6000  hectares  on  the  Upper 
Ehine,  whilst  losing  7000  inhabitants  and  10,000 
hectares. 

The  German  Cabinet  was  induced  to  make  this 
proposal  for  two  important  reasons  :  the  one,  to  obtain 
the  rich  iron  ore  deposits  of  the  locality  in  question ; 
the  other,  to  diminish  the  French  frontier  towards 
Luxemburg  by  one-third.   The  Chancellor  also  mentioned 


68  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

a  third  reason,  of  minor  importance  from  the  point  of 
view  of  positive  policy,  for  the  territory  which  Prussia 
desired  to  possess  had  been  the  scene  of  repeated  and 
bloody  struggles.  The  mortal  remains  of  a  large 
number  of  officers  and  soldiers  were  there  laid  to  rest, 
and  the  Emperor  attached  importance  to  the  possession 
of  their  graves. 

The  French  delegates  did  not  consider  it  necessary 
to  refute  these  arguments,  having  regard  to  the  paramount 
importance  to  France  of  a  field  of  action  round  Belfort. 
They  therefore  remarked  that  it  was  beyond  their  powers 
to  negotiate  so  delicate  a  question,  and  that  the  National 
Assembly  alone  could  decide,  since  it  involved  their 
sovereignty.  A  middle  course  was  therefore  adopted 
by  agreeing  to  the  alternative  to  be  presented  to  the 
Chamber :  either  a  radius  of  seven  kilometres  round 
Belfort  without  any  further  rectification  of  the  frontier, 
or  the  above-mentioned  extension  in  return  for  ten 
kilometres  along  the  Luxemburg  frontier. 

The  Chancellor  consented,  without  offering  much 
resistance,  to  the  return  of  20,000  French  prisoners  of 
war,  who  were  to  be  sent  without  delay  to  Algiers, 
where  they  formed  a  welcome  reinforcement  against 
the  rebellion. 

On  the  other  hand,  however,  the  question  of  a  com- 
mercial treaty  was  less  easy  to  arrange,  for  whilst  the 
French  wished  to  restore  the  status  quo,  Bismarck 
warmly  replied'  that  he  would  rather  begin  the  war 
over  again  than  expose  Germany  to  a  tariff  war.  It 
was  only  on  recognizing  the  certainty  of  a  breach  that 
the  French  delegates  were  constrained  to  agree  that 
both  Governments  should  base  their  commercial  relations 


The  Franco-German  War  69 

on  the  system  of  mutual  treatment  on  the  footing  of 
the  most  favoured  nations. 

Several  minor  questions  were  then  decided,  but  no 
understanding  could  be  arrived  at  regarding  the  price 
of  that  portion  of  the  Eastern  Eailway  which  was 
situated  on  the  annexed  territory.  The  directors  of  the 
company  asked  for  400  millions ;  Bismarck  offered  100. 
At  last  the  question  had  to  be  postponed  to  the  follow- 
ing day,  when  the  defensive  treaty  was  to  be  signed. 

On  May  10,  1871,  the  following  were  assembled  in 
a  room  at  the  Hotel  Zum  Schwan :  M.  Jules  Favre, 
Minister  of  the  Exterior ;  M.  Pouyer-Quertier,  Minister 
of  Finance ;  and  M.  Goulard,  representing  France : 
Prince  Bismarck,  Counts  Arnim  and  Hatzfeldt,  repre- 
senting Germany.  At  the  moment  of  signing  the 
Treaty,  which  was  to  be  ratified  by  the  German  Emperor 
and  the  National  Assembly,  M.  Favre  received  a 
telegram  announcing  the  capture  of  Fort  Issy  by  the 
troops  of  the  Government,  and  also  the  President  of 
the  Council's  complete  approval  of  the  arrangements 
made  with  Bismarck. 

Favre  lost  no  time  in  communicating  the  good  news 
to  the  German  Chancellor,  who  seemed  to  be  rather 
surprised,  for  he,  as  were  most  of  his  countrymen,  was 
firmly  convinced  that  the  French  Government  would 
not  be  able  to  take  the  fortifications  held  by  the  in- 
surgents. In  any  case,  he  at  once  consented  to  resume 
the  negotiation  of  the  railway  transfer.  After  a  dis- 
cussion of  two  hours,  it  was  agreed  that  the  sum  of 
325  millions  should  be  allowed  to  the  French  railway 
company,  and  be  deducted  from  the  second  half-milliard 
of  the  war  indemnity. 


70  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

The  Eatification  of  the  Peace  Treaty* 
FranJcfort-on-the-3Iain,  May  20-22,  1871 

On  Sunday,  May  20,  1871,  MM.  Favre  and  Pouyer- 
Quertier  again  arrived  at  Frankfort  to  complete  the 
final  formalities  of  the  peace-treaty. 

Their  conferences  with  Bismarck  commenced  at  about 
3  p.m.  and  did  not  end  until  11  p.m.,  when  the  ratifica- 
tions were  exchanged,  though  the  signing  of  the  last 
signatures  had  to  be  postponed  until  the  following 
Monday.  Bismarck  at  first  intended  to  summon  the 
Finance  Minister  by  telegram,  but  afterwards  turned 
to  M.  Pouyer-Quertier  and  said,  "I  have  thought  it 
over ;  we  do  not  .want  a  middleman ;  everything  can  be 
arranged  quite  well  between  us." 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  he  showed  real  sympathy  towards 
M.  Pouyer-Quertier.  This  was  due  to  his  straightforward 
manner,  as  well  as  to  his  lucid  arguments ;  for,  like  all 
truly  practical  men,  Bismarck  valued  highly  precision 
and  simplicity.  Thus  it  happened  that  the  Chancellor 
made  several  very  valuable  concessions,  the  chief  of 
them  being  the  acceptance  of  French  bank-notes  for 
100  million  francs  in  payment  of  the  first  instalment 
of  the  indemnity,  although  French  notes  were  expressly 
excluded  by  the  treaty  just  ratified. 

Whilst  the  documents  were  being  prepared,  the 
political  and  military  situation  formed  the  subject  of 
conversation.  "'The  King,"  said  Bismarck,  "is  rather 
disquieted,  since  he  learns  that  you  wish  to  have 
another  10,000  prisoners  returned,  because  he  thinks 
he  sees  in  this  a  proof  that  a  solution  of  your  difficulties 
*  Jules  Favre,  "  Simple  R^cit,"  etc. 


The  Franco-German  War  71 

is  still  far  removed,  and  he  cannot  bear  the  thought  of 
a  further  delay.  Our  troops  do  not  wish  to  remain  in 
France  any  longer.  We  promise  you  to  withdraw  our 
forces  to  Germany  to  a  great  extent,  and  by  this  we 
shall  go  far  beyond  the  provision  of  the  treaty.  But 
we  demand  from  you  that  you  should  act  promptly." 

"That  is  so  much  our  intention,"  replied  Favre, 
"  that  the  breach  will  be  commenced  to-day,  with  the 
intention  of  proceeding  to  the  assault  not  later  than 
Tuesday." 

The  Prince  congratulated  M.  Favre  on  this  good 
news,  and  then  mentioned  the  summons  which  the 
German  Commander-in-Chief  was  to  address  to  the 
insurgents  regarding  the  disarmament  of  the  Paris 
walls  in  accordance  with  the  armistice.  Favre,  in 
reply,  begged  that  the  summons  might  not  be  sent, 
because  a  refusal  would  oblige  the  Germans  to  attack 
Paris. 

The  Chancellor  recognized  that  it  would  be  better  to 
leave  the  French  Government  at  liberty  to  act.  "  In 
the  mean  time,"  he  added,  '*  we  cannot  pledge  ourselves 
to  anything.  You  admit  that  we  have  the  right  to 
employ  force  a  thousand  times.  You  are  not  fighting 
a  party,  but  a  band  of  robbers  who  have  broken  the 
laws  on  which  the  whole  of  civilization  rests.  Can  we 
look  on  with  folded  arms  whilst  public  buildings  as 
well  as  private  property  are  destroyed — while  the  arch- 
bishop perhaps  is  murdered  ?  Our  attitude  of  reserve 
is  no  longer  understood,  and  we  can  only  promise  to 
maintain  it  conditionally  for  a  short  time  longer." 

Favre  then  showed  Prince  Bismarck  a  telegram  he 
had  just  received  from  M.  Thiers,  describing  the  efforts 


72  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

that  were  being  made  for  the  suppression  of  the  in- 
surrection. Favre  explained  the  position  of  his  Govern- 
ment with  all  the  energy  of  which  he  was  capable, 
and  succeeded  in  gaining  permission  for  the  return  of 
the  prisoners  of  war. 

At  their  next  meeting,  about  9  p.m.,  Bismarck  ex- 
pressed the  hope  that  the  two  nations  might  resume 
their  former  relations.  M.  Favre  replied  that  every 
endeavour  would  be  made  to  avoid  friction  by  entrust- 
ing the  direction  of  affairs  to  enlightened  and  con- 
ciliatory men.  For  the  time  being  it  would  be  going 
too  far  to  hope  for  more  than  that. 

"That  is  also  my  view,"  replied  the  Chancellor; 
"but  I  cannot  admit  that  all  hope  of  an  earnest 
reconciliation  is  destroyed  because  the  fortune  of  war 
has  been  favourable  to  us  in  a  war  provoked  by  you. 
You  know  better  than  any  one  the  imperative  con- 
siderations we  have  complied  with ;  we  should  have 
striven  in  vain  against  the  will  of  the  German  nation — 
nay,  more,  we  should  have  committed  an  act  of  treason 
against  it  had  we  not  been  on  our  guard  against  fresh 
attacks  by  France.  We  do  not  now  desire  them,  and 
we  have  no  need  to  fear  them,  for  we  are  armed  against 
all  eventualities.  Nevertheless,  I  for  my  part  still 
believe  that  much  may  be  expected  from  time.  You 
will,  perhaps,  be  astonished  at  what  I  want  to  say. 
France  will  gain  more  by  a  sincerely  peaceful  attitude 
than  by  the  systematic  fomenting  of  the  hatred  en- 
gendered by  this  war.  I  will  not  dilate  further  on  so 
delicate  a  topic,  but  will  only  repeat  to  you  that  I  am 
no  enemy  to  your  country,  and  prove  it  by  proposing 
a  diplomat,  whose  thoroughly  benevolent  sentiments 


The  Franco-German  War  73 

you  are  acquainted  with  and  who  can  only  be  welcome 
to  you,  as  our  ambassador  to  your  Government." 

Favre  thanked  the  Chancellor,  and  alsa  mentioned 
the  name  of  the  ambassador  M.  Thiers  proposed  to  send 
to  Berlin.  In  reply  to  an  observation  about  the 
difficulties  which  would  beset  this  post,  the  Chancellor 
remarked — 

"You  are  greatly  mistaken;  he  will  be  the  most 
fortunate  of  all  your  ambassadors.  We  shall  wrap  him 
in  cotton-wool,  and  treat  him  with  so  much  kind 
courtesy  that  his  chief  desire  will  be  to  become  indis- 
pensable to  us.  You  have,  as  I  see,  a  false  im- 
pression of  public  opinion  in  Germany;  it  is  all  for 
peace.  Of  course  I  do  not  speak  of  certain  soldiers, 
nor  of  the  exaltes  and  flatterers  of  the  nation,  who  call 
themselves  Gallophobes,  in  order  to  draw  attention  to 
themselves  and  exploit  the  credulity  of  fools.  Those 
who  direct  and  govern  the  State  are  more  reasonable ; 
they  know  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  and  if  they  ever 
doubted  them,  our  very  victories,  which  exceeded  all 
expectations,  would  have  enlightened  them.  They 
have  no  intention  whatever  of  risking  our  brilliant 
successes  in  the  game  of  new  adventures.  Your 
ambassador  will  discover  this  in  a  few  weeks,  and  a 
longer  intercourse  with  us  will  only  confirm  him  in 
this  conviction." 

M.  Favre  suggested  that  the  best  means  for  re- 
establishing the  normal  relations,  from  which  the 
Chancellor  expected  so  much,  would  be  the  curtailment 
of  the  burdensome  occupation. 

"We  will  do  that,  too,"  said  the  Chancellor,  "and 
we  shall  come  to  an  understanding  the  more  easily 


74  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

since  our  interests  are  identical.  If  you  could  listen 
to  the  conversations  in  our  regiments,  you  would  hear 
only  one  wish  expressed :  to  return  home.  This  wish 
is  also  shared  by  every  German  family,  and  the  Press 
repeats  it  in  almost  threatening  tones.  We  were, 
nevertheless,  obliged  to  resist  it  as  long  as  the  Paris 
insurrection  forced  us  to  insist  on  new  pledges.  It  is 
now  open  to  you  to  make  these  superfluous.  Why  will 
you  not  make  use  of  the  provisions  of  the  preliminary 
treaty  ?  After  the  payment  of  the  first  two  milliards 
you  can  propose  a  financial  combination.  If  it  is  a 
substantial  one,  we  will  willingly  accept  it,  and  in  that 
case  the  total  evacuation  might  take  place  much 
earlier." 

Pavre  took  his  leave  at  midnight,  promising  to  report 
the  conversation  fully  to  his  Government,  and  to  return 
the  following  morning  to  discuss  some  disputed  matters. 

The  conference  on  the  22nd  of  May  was  of  much 
the  same  nature  as  that  of  the  preceding  day.  On 
taking  leave  of  M.  Pavre,  Prince  Bismarck  congratulated 
him  on  the  conclusion  of  the  peace,  and  on  his  personal 
share  in  bringing  it  about. 


II 


FURTHER   CONVERSATIONS  AND 
INTERVIEWS 

BisMAECK  IN  Biarritz 

Bismarck's  first  visit  to  Biarritz,  in  the  summer  of 
1862,  took  place  under  rather  peculiar  circumstances. 
Though  stiU  only  Prussian  ambassador  at  the  Tuileries, 
he  was  a.lready  marked  out  as  the  future  director  of 
Prussian  policy.  He  was  thus,  as  it  were,  still  in  a 
stage  of  transition,  which,  under  the  critical  circum- 
stances at  the  time,  involved  an  exceptional  strain  even 
for  the  nerves  of  the  strongest  of  men.  Small  wonder, 
then,  that  he  felt  the  necessity  of  shaking  the  dust 
of  Paris  off  his  feet,  and  seeking  a  breath  of  fresh  air 
in  the  sunny  South. 

Quitting  Paris  on  July  25,  Bismarck  made  a  tour 
through  the  Medoc  "  in  order  to  drink  from  the  wine- 
press in  the  original  language,"  and  eventually  reached 
San  Sebastian  via  Bayonne  on  July  29,  after  a  brief 
visit  to  Biarritz.  A  week  later  he  took  up  his  quarters 
at  the  Hotel  de  I'Europe  in  Biarritz,  and  described 
his  room  as  having  "  a  charming  view  of  the  blue  sea, 
which  flings  its  white  foam  against  the  lighthouse 
between  marvellous  rocks." 


76  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

In  a  letter  to  his  sister,  he  describes  the  routine  of 
his  life. 

"My  dear  Heart, 

"  I  have  remained  at  Biarritz,  the  threshold, 
as  it  were,  of  the  Pyrenees,  which  I  shall  perhaps 
explore.  The  sea-bathing,  above  all,  suited  me  so 
excellently  that  I  delayed  my  departure  from  one 
day  to  another,  although  I  felt  somewhat  lonely. 
Since  the  arrival  of  the  Orloffs,  I  live  with  them  as 
if  we  were  alone  here.  .  .  .  We  bathe  in  the  morning ; 
then  go  down  to  the  rocks,  lunch  in  a  distant  ravine 
behind  the  lighthouse,  where  I  am  at  present  writing 
these  lines,  seated  on  the  grass  next  to  a  blue  and 
yellow  robe,  and  looking  out  on  to  green  waves  and 
white  foam  between  two  heather-brown  fields.  Large 
white  seagulls  with  black  wings  hover  and  cry  over- 
head, and  the  ever-present  tamarind  affords  us  sufficient 
shade  against  the  burning  sun  of  '.fine  weather,'  i.e. 
25°  Eeaumur  in  the  shade,  though  not  here,  where  the 
sea-breeze  cools  the  air.  A  few  pears,  peaches,  and  dogs 
lie  about  us.  Orloff  (you  know  him — the  ambassador 
in  Brussels,  with  a  black  bandage  over  his  eye)  sits 
smoking  and  reading ;  his  wife,  like  myself,  is  writing. 
She  would  please  you  also ;  .  .  .  very  original,  clever, 
and  merry,  .  .  .  but  civilized  by  her  French-German 
education ;  her  parents  (Trubetzkoi)  have  lived  in 
Tontainebleau  for  twenty  years.  At  three  we  bathe  a 
second  time,  dine  at  five,  go  for  another  walk,  and  Ue 
on  the  heather  in  the  sea-breeze  until  bed-time.  A 
comfortable,  still  life,  in  which  I  forget  Paris  and 
Berlin  (but  not  Eeinfeld),  and  of  which  I  shall  carry 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews   77 

away  very  dear  reminiscences.  Why  ?  Daily  I  ask 
myself  that  question,  and  put  off  the  answer  until 
the  morrow,  whilst  I  justly  rely  on  the  fact  that  I 
have  not  been  so  healthy  for  six  years  as  I  am  here 
now.  I  walk  and  climb  all  day  like  a  goat,  lie  in 
wet  grass  without  fear  of  a  chill,  and  each  day  I 
become  a  year  younger,  so  that  if  I  remain  here  long 
I  shall  become  student-like  or  childish.  With  the 
exception    of    my    neighbour,   I    only  know  an    old 

Countess  B and  her  grandchild,  a  pretty  girl,  fond 

of  dancing,  with  whom  I  had  to  waltz  a  few  times 
before  the  Orloffs  came.  Most  of  the  remaining  society 
are  Spaniards  of  good  family  and  no  education ;  they 
speak  no  European  language,  and  I  know  of  nothing 
to  do  with  them.  .  .  . 

"  I  shall  not  go  to  Berlin  and  Pomerania  before  the 
end  of  my  leave,  which  expires  about  the  14th.  Before 
that  date  I  am  afraid  of  being  anchored  in  Berlin  at  the 
'sunny'  hotel.  My  fate  must  then  be  decided;  how 
is  a  matter  of  indifference  to  me.  Farewell,  dear  heart. 
The  sun  shines  on  my  paper,  and,  since  I  write  on  my 
right  knee,  this  letter  is  very  readable;  it  is  true 
Mendelssohn's  letters  lie  underneath.  Hearty  greetings 
to  Oscar. 

"  Your  most  affectionate  brother, 

''V.  B." 

In  October,  1864,  Bismarck  again  visited  Biarritz. 
Napoleon  and  the  Empress  were  Hving  at  the  Villa 
Eugenie,  hence  all  manner  of  reports  and  rumours 
about  intended  negotiations  and  intrigues  arose  on 
every  side.    But  Bismarck  did  not  touch  Paris  on  his 


yS  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 


' 


way  from  Baden-Baden,  and  thus  public  opinion  was 
somewhat  quieted. 

This  second  stay  was  no  less  enjoyable  than  the 
first,  and  Bismarck  roundly  declared,  in  a  letter  to 
his  wife,  that  "if  we  were  free,  I  would  propose  to 
you  to  come  here  with  child  and  kit  and  remain  the 
whole  winter,  as  many  Englishmen  do,  on  account  of 
the  cheapness  of  living  here  in  winter." 

A  Danish  agent,  Julius  Hansen,*  was  granted  an 
interview  with  Bismarck  on  the  recommendation  of 
Vicomte  de  la  Gueronniere.  Hansen's  object  was  to 
learn  from  Bismarck  whether  the  present  situation 
regarding  Schleswig-Holstein  was  considered  permanent, 
and  whether  Germany  could  not  be  persuaded  to  re- 
turn the  Danish  portion  of  Schleswig,  thereby  earning 
the  gratitude  of  the  Danes  and  the  good-will  of  the 
Powers. 

Bismarck  replied,  "Long  before  the  war  I  had  a 
presentiment  that  the  hostilities  between  the  Univer- 
sities of  Copenhagen  and  Kiel  would  lead  to  a  war 
between  the  two  nations.  For  my  part,  I  have  never 
looked  upon  the  intrigues  of  the  Kiel  professors  with 
a  favourable  eye,  but  the  death  of  Frederick  VII.  and 
the  state  of  agitation  in  Germany  forced  us  to  make 
war.  I,  personally,  would  have  been  contented  with 
the  line  of  Flensburg-Tondern,  and,  at  the  Conference 
of  London,  Prussia  was  inclined  to  concede  Denmark 
the  line  Gjelting'-Bredstedt.  The  military  line  of  the 
Schlei  would  have  sufficed  as  a  frontier,  and  70,000 
Germans,  certainly,  would  have  been  under  the  Danish 

*  Hansen's  report  of  the  interview  has  been  stigmatized  as  in- 
correct in  some  particulars. 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  79 

sovereignty.  But  the  attitude  of  Denmark  at  the 
Conference  made  such  a  partition  difficult,  and  the 
resumption  of  hostilities  put  every  chance  of  such 
a  combination  out  of  the  question.  To-day  it  is  im- 
possible to  alter  the  peace  stipulations,  having  regard 
to  the  sentiments  of  the  German  nation  and  King 
William.  The  King  of  Prussia  regards  the  hereditary 
titles  of  the  Duke  of  Augustenburg  as  well  founded,  and 
consequently  declares  that  if  the  Duke  possesses  a  right 
to  a  single  portion  of  that  territory,  he  has  an  equal 
right  to  the  whole  of  Schleswig.  Otherwise,  the  King, 
according  to  his  view,  would  himself  have  no  right  to 
seize  the  possessions  of  King  Christian  IX.  The  King 
of  Prussia  and  all  his  family  are  in  favour  of  the  Duke 
of  Augustenburg.  So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  doubt  the 
rights  of  this  pretender,  and  I  believe  that  the  matter 
will  drag  on  at  least  for  some  time.  If  I  had  the 
choice  between  the  alternatives  of  either  incorporat- 
ing in  Prussia  the  duchies  as  far  as  Plensburg,  or  of 
giving  the  Duke  of  Augustenburg  the  whole  of  Schles- 
wig and  Holstein,  I  should  without  delay  accept  the 
first.  I  believe  that  neither  France  nor  Eussia  would 
oppose  an  arrangement  which  left  the  Duchies  to 
Prussia,  and  Austria  would  perhaps  not  commence  a 
war  on  that  account.  But  there  is  a  more  serious 
obstacle  in  the  will  of  King  William.  He  thinks  that 
another  has  rights  in  the  Duchies,  and  I  cannot  well 
be  a  greater  royalist  than  the  King.  Nevertheless,  I 
recognize  that  there  are  more  than  100,000  Danes  in 
Schleswig,  who  will  have  great  influence  in  the  future, 
and  that  it  will  be  difficult  to  maintain  good  relations 
between  Germany  and  Denmark  so  long  as  these  Danes 


8o  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

are  separated  from  their  countrymen.  I  should  not 
regard  it  as  a  great  misfortune  if  North  Schleswig  were 
to  be  returned  to  Denmark  at  a  given  opportunity." 

It  was  on  Bismarck's  return  to  Germany  through 
Paris  that  the  following  flattering  judgment  was  passed 
on  him : — 

"Ze  premier  ministre  de  Prusse  appartient  a  Vecole 
des  hommes  d'Mat,  qui  ramenent  tout  au  pouvoir  et  au 
commandement.  C'est  un  franc  absolutiste.  Mais  toutes 
les  personnes  qui  out  vu  de  pres  cet  Jiomme  d'Etat,  sont 
frappees  de  la  simpliciie  de  sa  mise  et  de  ses  manieres 
et  de  la  rondeur  avec  laquelle  it  s'exprime  sur  les 
affaires." 

The  political  situation  at  the  time  of  Bismarck's 
third  visit  to  Biarritz  was  by  no  means  serene.  Public 
opinion  in  France  regarded  the  Convention  of  Gastein, 
which  entrusted  the  administration  of  Schleswig  to 
Prussia  and  that  of  Holstein  to  Austria,  as  a  decided 
victory  of  the  Prussian  policy.  The  French  minister, 
Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  censured  the  Convention  in  a  circular 
note,  whilst  Napoleon,  in  a  long  conversation  with  the 
German  ambassador,  gave  expression  to  the  painful 
impression  it  had  made  on  him. 

The  aggressive  language  employed  in  the  circular 
note  rendered  the  acceptance  by  the  German  ambas- 
sador of  an  invitation  to  the  Villa  Eugenie  at  least 
questionable  in  the  eyes  of  King  William.  Bismarck 
therefore  sought  permission  to  repair  to  Biarritz  himself 
and  ascertain  the  real  meaning  of  the  apparent  contra- 
diction. On  the  receipt  of  a  report  from  Von  der  Goltz 
that  Napoleon  had  repeatedly  expressed  his  regret 
at  the  terms  of  the  circular  note,  the   King  at  last 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  8i 

consented  to  Bismarck's  departure — though  with  the 
reservation  that  no  engagements  should  be  entered 
into  with  France,  as  the  effect  of  the  Convention  on 
the  Schleswig-Holstein  affair  had  still  to  be  seen. 

Bismarck's  most  important  interview  with  Napoleon 
III.  at  Biarritz  was  the  result  of  an  invitation  to 
lunch  on  the  8th  of  October,  after  which  a  long  con- 
versation took  place  on  the  terrace  of  the  Villa  Eugenie. 

It  was  obvious  that  the  Emperor  was  most  anxious 
to  undo  the  effect  of  the  circular  note,  which  he  de- 
clared had  been  drafted  and  despatched  in  great  haste. 
He  began  by  asking  Bismarck  whether  Prussia  had  not 
given  Austria  a  guarantee  regarding  Venetia,  hinting 
at  a  German  coalition  against  France.  Bismarck  re- 
plied in  the  negative,  and  assured  the  Emperor  that  he 
might  rely  the  more  on  his  sincerity  since  such 
agreements,  once  made,  could  not  remain  secret  for 
long,  and  that  he  (Bismarck)  had  no  desire  that  his 
honesty  of  purpose  should  be  doubted.  Moreover,  Bis- 
marck considered  it  impossible  that,  even  in  the  future, 
any  convention  could  be  arranged  by  which  Prussia 
would  help  Austria  to  make  war  as  she  pleased,  in 
which  Prussia  would  be  forced  to  join  without  reaping 
any  advantages. 

The  Emperor  for  his  part  asserted  that  he  had  no 
intention  of  disturbing  the  peace  of  Europe,  and  protested 
particularly  against  harbouring  any  designs  on  Belgium. 
Using  almost  the  very  words  Bismarck  had  employed 
in  his  interview  with  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  a  few  days 
before.  Napoleon  remarked  that  events  must  be  allowed 
to  ripen  and  must  not  be  forced,  and  concluded  by 
asking  how  Prussia  proposed  to   settle   the  Holstein 

a 


82  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

question  with  Austria.  Bismarck  candidly  admitted 
that  he  hoped  Prussia  would  obtain  and  hold  Holstein 
by  paying  a  money  indemnity.  He  explained  that  the 
acquisition  of  the  Elbe  Duchies  by  no  means  signified 
an  increase  in  the  power  of  Prussia,  for  it  would  necessi- 
tate the  development  of  the  navy  and  the  defences  against 
the  North,  a  burden  which  was  not  counterbalanced  by 
the  addition  of  a  million  new  subjects.  The  acquisition 
of  the  Duchies  was  only  an  arrhes  (earnest  money)  for 
the  fulfilment  of  the  task  allotted  by  history  to  the 
Prussian  State,  and  towards  the  further  pursuit  of  which 
friendly  relations  with  Prance  were  necessary.  It 
seemed  to  him  that  it  was  in  the  interest  of  French 
policy  to  encourage  the  ambition  of  Prussia  in  the  ful- 
filment of  national  tasks,  since  an  ambitious  Prussia 
would  always  place  a  high  value  on  the  friendship  of 
France,  whereas  if  she  was  discouraged  she  would  seek 
protection  in  defensive  alliances  against  France. 

Napoleon  was  also  anxious  to  know  what  attitude 
Prussia  would  adopt  with  regard  to  the  Danube  Prin- 
cipalities, for  he  seemed  inclined  to  think  that  they 
might  serve  as  compensation  to  Austria  for  the  loss  of 
Venetia.  Bismarck  replied  that  Prussia's  direct 
interests  did  not  go  beyond  the  secure  position  of 
German  commerce,  and  that  Prussia's  co-operation  in 
the  future  reorganization  of  those  countries  was  only 
conditional  because  of  the  necessity  of  avoiding  com- 
plications with  Eussia  on  a  question  of  comparatively 
little  importance  to  Prussia. 

The  conversation  then  turned  on  the  importance  to 
Europe  of  sealing  up  the  sources  of  infectious  diseases 
which,  like  the  cholera  of  that  date,  originated  in  the 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  83 

pilgrimages  to  Mecca,  and  from  thence  spread  to  the 
West.  The  Emperor  thought  that  dangers  of  this 
nature  might  be  minimized  by  the  united  action  of  the 
Powers,  and  expressed  a  desire  for  the  co-operation  of 
Prussia.  Although  Bismarck  did  not  disguise  the 
danger  that  the  fanaticism  of  the  Mohammedans  might 
be  aroused  by  interference  with  the  pilgrimages,  he  con- 
sidered himself  free  to  express  his  conviction  that 
Prussia  would  readily  take  part  in  every  work  of  civi- 
lization in  that  direction,  so  far  as  she  was  able  to 
influence  those  distant  regions. 

The  general  impression  left  on  Bismarck  by  his 
observations  was  that  the  sentiments  of  the  French 
Court  were  extremely  favourable  to  Prussia. 

Prosper  Merimee  relates  the  following  diverting 
anecdote,  which  aptly  characterizes  the  dominant  tone 
of  the  Villa  Eugenie. 

One  of  the  Empress's  ladies  professed  the  greatest 
admiration  for  Bismarck,  whereupon  her  companions 
regaled  her  with  many  a  prettily  invented  tale  of  the 
statesman's  audacity.  Merimee,  hearing  of  this,  con- 
ceived the  idea  of  painting  a  portrait  of  Bismarck,  and 
then  cutting  out  the  head.    This  done,  the  Emperor,  the 

Empress,  and  Merimee  proceeded  to  Madame  N 's 

bedroom  at  nightfall.  A  roUed-up  counterpane  simu- 
lated the  body ;  the  painted  face  was  put  in  position, 
and  the  Empress  placed  a  knotted  handkerchief  on  its 
forehead  to  represent  a  nightcap,  and  in  the  semi-dark- 
ness of  the  room  the  illusion  was  complete.  The  con- 
spirators kept  Madame  N back  after  their  Majesties 

had  quitted  the  salon,  until  they  had  taken  up  their 
posts  of  observation.     Every  one  then  pretended  to  go 


84  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

to  bed,  and  Madame  N retired  to  her  room.     She 

remained  there  only  an  instant,  however ;  rushing  out 
again,  she  knocked  at  Madame  de  Lourmel's  door  with 
the  piteous  complaint,  "II  y  a  un  homme  dans  mon 
lit ! "  Unfortunately,  Madame  de  Lourmel  could  not 
remain  serious,  and  the  audible  laughter  of  the  Empress 
at  the  end  of  the  corridor  completely  spoilt  the  joke. 
But  it  was  only  later  that  Merimee  learnt  the  full  extent 
of  his  joke.  One  of  the  Imperial  servants  had  pre- 
viously entered  Madame  N 's   room,  but    retired 

hastily  with  stammering  excuses  on  seeing  the  recum- 
bent form.  He  then  told  his  fellow-servants  that  there 
was  a  man  in  the  bed.     Some  expressed  the  opinion 

that  it  was  Madame  IST 's  husband,  who  had  wanted  i 

to  see  his  wife ;  but  this   suggestion  was  rejected  as  ! 
quite  improbable.     Some  one,  however,  who  had  seen 
Merimee  at  work  on  the  Bismarck  head,  prevented  the 
report  from  spreading. 

A  fortnight   after  the  Imperial  family  had  quitted  ) 
Biarritz,    Bismarck,    accompanied    by    his    wife    and 
daughter,    set   out   for  Paris,   where  he   had   another 
audience  with  Napoleon. 

The  Paris  press  commented  on  the  Prussian  statesman 
as  follows — 

"On  lui  a  trouve  une  physionomie  fixe  et  douce 
faisant  contraste  avec  le  sans  fapon,  j'allais  dire  la  bru- 
talite  de  sa  politique.  On  a  remarque  la  beaute  et  les 
cheveux  blonds  de  Mademoiselle  de  Bismarck.  Bref, 
le  dehors  du  ministre  et  de  son  entourage  ont  efface  un 
peu  de  I'impression  produite  de  sa  politique." 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  85 

BiSMAECK  AND  Mr.  W.   BeATTY-KiNGSTON  * 

Berlin,  Septemher  22,  1867 

"  I  have  had  a  four  hours'  palaver  with  The  Man, 
but,  as  I  expected,  shall  be  able  to  make  very  little  of 
it  public,  for  he  commenced  our  talk  by  saying,  'I 
have  experience  of  your  discretion ;  I  shall  therefore 
have  no  concealment  from  you,  but  I  reckon  confidently 
upon  your  using  all  the  personal  part  of  what  I  may 
tell  you  with  all  necessary  reserve;  and  you  will 
understand  that  the  more  unreservedly  I  speak  to  you, 
the  greater  proof  I  give  you  of  my  conviction  that  you 
will  not  compromise  me  with  the  people  who  are 
looking  out  for  every  word  I  say,  by  letting  them  know 
what  I  really  think.'  Now,  as  the  personal  or  anecdo- 
tical  part  of  his  conversation  is  the  most  interesting 
and  startling  of  all,  being  put  'upon  honour'  with 
regard  to  it  necessarily  lessens  the  importance  of  the 
published  results  of  an  interview  such  as  I  have  this 
evening  enjoyed ;  but  I  will  do  my  best  to  tell  you  in 
this  private  letter  all  that  is  comprised  in  his  prohibi- 
tion. What  I  write  in  the  public  letter  you  may  print 
without  hesitation. 

"  He  believes  in  peace,  and  for  many  reasons — but  I 
had  better,  as  nearly  as  possible,  reproduce  his  own 
words :  '  I  do  not  believe  for  a  moment  that  France 
will  fight  us  alone,  for,  reckoning  that  every  Prussian  is 
at  least  as  good  as  every  Frenchman,  we  are  numeri- 
cally stronger  than  she  is.     The  attack  must  come  from 

*  Daily  Telegraph,  August  4,  1898. 


86  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

her  ]  we  shall  never  begin  a  war,  if  war  there  ever  be, 
for  we  have  nothing  to  gain.  Suppose  France  entirely 
conquered,  and  a  Prussian  garrison  in  Paris ;  what  are 
we  to  do  with  our  victory  ?  We  could  not  even  decently 
take  Alsace,  for  the  Alsatians  are  become  Frenchmen, 
and  wish  to  remain  so.  Belgium  we  do  not  want; 
besides,  England  guarantees  her  integrity.  Therefore, 
should  this  possibility — which  is  always  being  dinned 
into  my  ears  as  a  probability — ever  come  to  pass, 
France  will  undoubtedly  attack  us,  in  which  case,  if  she 
stand  alone,  she  is  lost,  for  our  system  is  such  that  the 
further  she  may  advance  (supposing  she  be  at  first 
victorious)  into  our  country,  the  more  armies  will 
spring  up  against  her,  like  Cadmus'  teeth.  You  will  ] 
say,  "  Old  men,  ob  la  fin,"  but  a  Prussian  is  not  so  senile 
at  forty-five  as  some  people  think.  And  every  German 
is  with  us  now,  despite  creeds  and  bias ;  we  have  not 
sought,  we  have  waited — they  run  after  us,  like  the 
roast  sucking-pig  in  the  Chinaman's  dream,  crying, 
"  Come,  eat  me  ! "  You  remember,  a  hundred  years  ago, 
at  the  battle  of — [I  did  not  catch  the  name. — K.] — 
when  a  Prussian  dragoon  was  fighting  a  French  cuiras- 
sier hand  to  hand,  a  German  horseman,  one  of  France's 
mercenaries,  rode  up  to  strike  in  on  the  part  of  his 
comrade.  The  Prussian  called  out  to  him,  "Hold, 
brother !  let  me  finish  this  Frenchman ;  he  belongs  to 
me !  "  and  the  German  reined  up,  saluted,  and  rode  off 
in  another  direction.  That  was  a  century  ago.  Since 
then  what  have  not  the  Germans  learned  to  comprehend 
of  the  brotherhood  that  naturally  binds  them  together 
against  the  Frenchman  or  anybody  else  or  all  the  world 
besides !     If  the  French  fight  us  alone  they  are  lost ; 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  87 

therefore,  as  they  know  this,  they  seek  for  allies.  Will 
they  find  them  ?     I  will  tell  you  why  I  think  not. 

"'France,  the  victor,  would  be  a  danger  to  every- 
body— Prussia  to  nobody.  That  is  our  strong  point. 
England  wished  to  see  a  Power  in  Europe  strong  enough 
to  counterbalance  France.  That  is  the  reason  she 
supported  and  sympathized  with  Austria  as  long  as 
Austria  seemed  to  be  strong  ;  that  is  the  reason  why  I 
told  the  King,  when  he  wished  to  carry  out  the  "  execu- 
tion" in  Denmark  alone,  "We  must  have  Austria  with 
us,  or  England  will  join  her  against  us  " — and  that  is 
the  reason  why  England  is  now  turning  towards  us — 
because  she  sees  in  us  the  Continental  contrepoids 
to  France,  which  you  English,  in  spite  of  your  loudly 
protested  alliance  with  Napoleon,  are  too  sensible  not  to 
understand  the  necessity  of.  Your  alliance  has  already 
cost  you  dearly  enough  in  loss  of  Continental  influence, 
and  I  should  not  wonder  if  the  proud  English  people 
were  to  get  tired  some  day  of  playing  a  bad  second 
fiddle  to  the  old  foe  they  have  so  often  conquered. 
You  will  never  take  up  arms  against  us  in  the  cause  of 
France. 

"  *  I  have  no  little  fear  of  Austria.  Austria  is  like  a 
house  built  of  bad  bricks,  which,  however,  are  kept 
together  by  an  excellent  mortar — how  do  you  call 
it?  cement — that  cement  is  her  German  population. 
Whatever  good  has  been  done  in  her  barbarous  pro- 
vinces, has  been  done  by  the  Germanizing  of  her 
institutions.  Everywhere  in  Austria  German  is  spoken ; 
the  inhabitants  of  the  different  Slav,  Magyar,  and  Latin 
provinces  must  use  German  to  understand  one  another. 
An  alliance,  therefore,   with  France,  having    for    its 


88  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

purpose  the  arrest  of  German  unity  in  its  majestic  pro- 
gress, and  the  devastation  of  German  territory,  would 
be  fatal  to  Austria,  whichever  way  the  tide  of  victory 
might  set.  She  would  surely  be  ruined  through  such 
an  alliance,  and  she  knows  it.  I  am  not  the  least 
apprehensive  of  an  Austro-French  Alliance,  I  give  you 
my  word  of  honour. 

" '  Eussia  will  never  join  France  against  us,  of  that  be 
assured — it  is  impossible.'  (Bismarck  said  this  with 
great  emphasis,  leaning  on  both  his  arms  half  across  the 
table  towards  me,  and  looking  into  my  eyes  with  the 
greatest  earnestness.)  '  It  is  true  that  there  has  been 
some  talk  of  an  understanding  upon  the  Oriental 
question — of  a  common  plan  of  action  in  the  East. 
Gortschakoff  is  a  funny  fellow — he  has  been  taken  in 
six  or  seven  times  by  French  humbug  and  protestations 
of  an  entente  cordiale  which  always  lasts  from  three 
to  five  weeks ;  then  he  invariably  finds  out  that  he  is 
the  victim  of  French  cunning  and  ignorance  mixed,  and 
begins  to  curse  and  swear  by  all  the  devils  and  saints 
in  the  Eussian  calendar  quon  ne  le  prendraplus.  And 
then  he  drops  into  the  next  trap  with  inimitable 
naivete.  Poor  Gortschakoff !  he  gained  his  prestige  in 
the  Polish  business,  and  thinks  the  only  way  to  keep  it 
up  is  to  lend  himself  to  the  Oriental  proclivities  of 
Eussia.  Popularity  is  his  one  ambition.  Eussia  is  in  a 
horrid  state,  and  a  big  war  is  out  of  the  question  for 
her  till  she  has  set  her  house  in  order.  If  I  were  the 
Emperor's  prime  minister  —  as  he  very  much  wished 
me  to  be  six  years  ago — I  should  begin  by  cutting  the 
army  down  to  exactly  half  its  present  numbers,  and 
knocking  the  privileges  of  the  Tchinovnik  on  the  head. 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  89 

That  foul  and  useless  Tchin  causes  half  Eussia's  mis- 
fortunes. Just  now  public  feeling  in  Eussia  is  as  bad 
as  can  be  against  France ;  but,  "  whatever  happens," 
make  your  mind  up  that  we  are  quite  safe  from 
Eussia. 

"'I  do  not  think  I  need  tell  you  why  a  French- 
Italian  offensive  alliance  against  us  is  out  of  the 
question — cela  saute  aux  yeux.  But  I  will  tell  you 
something  that  I  am  told  by  our  agents  at  both  courts, 
who  are  not  often  mistaken,  and  that  is,  that  Napoleon 
is  going  to  add  another  to  the  list  of  horrible  mistakes 
he  has  made  within  the  last  iive  years.  He  is  going  to 
let  the  Italian  troops  occupy  the  Pontifical  States,  with 
the  mere  exception  of  Eome  itself — by  which  he  will 
bring  down  the  whole  of  the  Catholic,  Legitimist,  and 
Orleanist  parties  upon  him,  and  make  his  position 
infinitely  worse  than  it  is — and  it  is  bad  enough,  God 
knows  !  But  to  return  to  our  peace  or  war  prospects. 
There  remains  to  France,  therefore,  in  Europe  (putting 
Denmark  and  the  other  Scandinavians  out  of  the 
question — they  are  not  worth  counting)  only  Spain  as 
an  ally.'  Here  Bismarck  looked  at  me  comically,  and 
we  both  laughed. 

" '  What  do  I  think  might  bring  about  war  ?  Of 
course,  an  excuse  would  not  be  wanting  if  the  French 
really  needed  one,  but  I  think  the  greatest  danger  of 
all  proceeds  from  Napoleon's  vacillating  state  of  mind. 
He  is  become  old,  but  he  is  also  become  young — that  is 
to  say,  he  indulges  in  vagaries,  gives  way  to  impulses, 
and  allows  his  fair  wife  to  exercise  a  good  deal  too 
much  influence  over  him.  The  Mexico  business  was 
her  doing,  as  I  suppose  you  know.     He  is  not  the  man 


90  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 


he  used  to  be,  and  Europe  will  never  be  safe  whilst  his 
present  state  of  intellect  continues.  Another  source 
of  danger  is  the  intense  ignorance  and  mendacity  of  the 
men  who  represent  France  everywhere.  Look  round 
Europe  for  one  capable  or  honest  French  agent !  Yours, 
Latour,  is  the  only  man  of  integrity  amongst  them  all 
— the  only  gentleman.  All  the  others  are  knaves,  or 
so  crassly  ignorant  and  prejudiced  that  an  intelligent 
schoolboy  is  worth  all  of  them  put  together.  Gramont, 
for  instance,  is  half  a  fool  and  a  notorious  liar — I  beg  your 
pardon,  I  should  have  said  a  lover  of  hoaxes.  Bene- 
detti  is  more  clever  than  the  run  of  French  statesmen, 
though  quite  as  dishonest ;  but  why  is  he  more  clever  ? 
Because  he  is  an  Italian.  He  is  also  more  amiable — 
also  because  he  is  an  Italian.  These  fellows  will  neither 
learn  anything,  nor  will  they  keep  quiet.  The  conse- 
quence is,  that  Napoleon  is  worse  informed  upon 
European  affairs  than  any  other  Sovereign.  They  made 
him  go  to  Salzburg.  You  were  quite  right  about  that 
meeting ;  it  was  an  utter  fiasco ;  but  I  knew  it  would 
be  from  the  first,  and  my  people  warned  Napoleon  of 
it,  and  advised  him  not  to  go.  I  was  much  amused 
afterwards  to  hear  how  he  had  been  manoeuvring  for 
three  days,  and  the  Austrians  counter-manoeuvring  all 
the  time.  He  went  to  shear,  and  came  away  shorn. 
Why  did  he  go  to  look  for  wool — he  had  the  Golden 
Fleece  already  ?  But  these  shallow,  trum^pery  French 
clerks — I  cannot  dall  them  ministers  or  ambassadors — 
may  bring  their  master  and  their  countrymen  into 
trouble. 

" '  When  I  was  in  Paris  with  the  King,  I  told  Eouher, 
before  his  colleagues  and  Gortschakoff,  who  happened  to 


1 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  91 

be  present,  "  Unless  you  want  war  with  us,  don't  put 
yourself  to  the  trouble  of  looking  out  for  another 
Luxemburg — this  is  the  last ;  I  am  colle  au  mur,  and 
I  will  not  give  way  an  inch  to  any  new  demand.  I 
owe  my  compatriots  a  war.  I  have  cheated  them  out 
of  one,  in  which  they  had  a  good  chance  of  success,  and 
it  required  all  my  popularity  to  enable  me  to  do  so. 
If  you  give  me  any  opportunity,  I  shall  certainly  pay 
my  debt."  Gortschakoff  tried  to  turn  the  conversation, 
as  everybody  looked  dreadfully  uncomfortable  at  my 
"  boutade."  But  Moustier  had  something  on  his  stomach, 
and  managed  to  bring  it  up  with  many  grimaces.  They 
thought  of  urging  that  Luxemburg  should  leave  the 
ZoUverein — should  I  offer  any  objection  to  that?  I 
broke  out,  "  Don't  talk  to  me  of  Luxemburg.  I  won't 
hear  of  Luxemburg.  The  Duke  of  Luxemburg  has  got 
to  stay  in  the  ZoUverein  till  1873,  and  then  he  can 
leave  if  he  likes ;  but  till  then  he  shall  not  go  out  of 
it,  and  if  you  urge  him  to  make  a  question  of  it,  I  shall 
say  to  the  King,  '  Flamberge  au  vent,  sire ! '  and  I 
don't  think  his  Majesty  will  say  me  nay."  They  did 
not  mention  Luxemburg  any  more  to  me  the  whole 
time  I  was  in  Paris.'  Here  Bismarck  indulged  in 
another  cigar,  beered,  and  went  on. 

" '  You  would  like  to  know  something  about  our  plans, 
our  aggregation  projects,  and  our  ambitions,  would  you 
not  ?  I  will  tell  you  exactly  what  they  are,  and  only 
two  or  three  besides  the  King  and  myself  know.  First 
of  all,  there  is  Austria.  Now,  the  German  provinces 
of  Austria,  except  the  Tyrol  and  Salzkammergut,  both 
of  which  are  blindly  Catholic  and  Hapsburg,  may  experi- 
ence a  strong  gravitation  towards  us.     I  do  not  deny  it 


92  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

for  a  moment ;  but,  I  assure  you,  were  I  offered  Upper 
and  Lower  Austria  to-morrow  I  should  refuse  them. 
They  are  too  far  off;  there  are  Bohemia,  Austrian  Silesia, 
Moravia,  with  three-fifths  Slav  populations,  between  us. 
If  those  provinces  of  German  Austria  were  where 
Bohemia,  etc.,  are,  if  Prague  and  Vienna  could  change 
places,  I  do  not  say  no.  Then  we  might  think  of  it ;  as 
it  is  we  do  not.  I  assure  you  it  is  our  earnest  desire 
to  see  Austria  strengthen  herself  round  her  German 
nucleus  and  stand  firmly  alone.  Of  course,  we  do  not 
suffer  any  new  oppression  of  Hungary  any  more  than 
we  would  of  the  Austro-Germans,  but  we  shall  gladly 
enter  into  a  fast  and  sincere  alliance  with  a  constitutional 
King  of  Hungary,  who,  as  Emperor  of  Austria,  allows 
the  German  element  full  play  in  his  other  provinces. 
There  is  Bohemia,  Silesia,  etc.,  again.  They  would 
prove  a  second  Poland  to  us.  We  should  have  to  learn 
how  to  manage  the  Czechs,  whereas  Austria  has  some 
experience  in  that  task,  although  I  admit  it  has  been 
very  bad  experience.  We  don't  want  Bohemia,  Silesia, 
Moravia,  or  any  other  part  of  Austria ;  let  her  get  strong 
and  be  our  ally — voila  tout. 

"'All  the  nonsense  you  have  heard  about  part  of 
Russian  Poland,  Courland,  or  the  Baltic  Provinces  is 
as  stupid  as  it  is  untrue.  It  is  true  there  is  some 
dissatisfaction  amongst  those  Northerns,  half  German, 
half  Scandinavian,  on  account  of  the  Eussian  language 
being  imposed  upon  them,  but  we  shall  not  interfere. 
What  should  we  do  with  provinces  we  could  not  de- 
fend? Besides,  depend  upon  it,  we  shall  not  meddle 
with  Russian  territory  or  affairs  any  more  than  they 
will  with  ours. 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  93 

" '  Beust  is  trop  fin.  Some  time  ago,  about  the 
vexed  question  of  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg,  I  let  him 
know  that,  although  we  were  prepared  to  maintain 
openly  the  Treaty  of  Nikolsburg,  we  would  give  our 
best  attention  to  any  proposals  he  might  like  to  make, 
and,  if  we  could  not  accept  them,  would  faithfully  keep 
his  secret.  He  wanted  to  be  too  clever,  and  answered 
to  my  confidential  communication  that  he  thought  the 
propositions  ought  to  come  from  our  side — that  it  was 
our  turn  to  hold  out  a  hand.  I  did  not  agree  with 
him,  and  so  the  matter  dropped.  But  we  have  since 
been  very  careful  about  South  Germany,  and  have 
remained  quite  passive.  We  can  stop  as  we  are  for 
ten  years  or  more,  only  insisting  upon  the  terms  of  the 
Treaty,  but  the  Southerners  -will  not  let  us,  and  if  they 
come  to  offer  us  an  accession  of  power,  we  shall  certainly 
not  kick  them  downstairs.  But  we  wish  it  clearly 
understood  that  if  Austria  must  disintegrate,  we  don't 
want  any  of  the  pieces.  There  is  nothing  in  our  attitude 
to  annoy  or  alarm  France.  I  think,  barring  the  acci- 
dents at  which  I  have  hinted,  there  is  nothing  to  pre- 
vent the  maintenance  of  peace  for  ten  or  fifteen  years, 
by  which  time  the  French  will  have  got  accustomed  to 
German  unity,  and  will  consequently  have  ceased  to 
care  about  it. 

"'I  told  our  generals  this  spring,  when  they  en- 
deavoured to  prove  to  me,  by  all  sorts  of  arguments, 
that  we  must  beat  the  French  if  we  went  to  war  then, 
"  If  you  can  make  it  as  clear  to  me  as  that  God  be  " — 
[verbatim. — K.] — "  that  we  can  crush  France,  and  occupy 
Paris,  I  will  still  do  all  I  can  to  prevent  war ;  for  you 
must  remember,  gentlemen,  a  war  between  such  near 


94  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

neighbours  and  old  enemies  as  France  and  Prussia, 
however  it  may  turn  out,  is  only  the  first  of  at  least 
six ;  and  supposing  we  gained  all  six,  what  should  we 
have  succeeded  in  doing?  Why,  in  ruining  France, 
certainly,  and  most  likely  ourselves  into  the  bargain. 
Do  you  think  a  poor,  bankrupt,  starving,  ragged  neigh- 
bour is  as  desirable  as  a  wealthy,  solvent,  fat,  well- 
clothed  one?  France  buys  largely  of  us,  and  sells  us 
a  great  many  things  we  want.  Is  it  in  our  interest  to 
ruin  her  completely  ? "  I  strove  for  peace  then,  and  I 
will  do  so  as  long  as  may  be ;  only,  remember,  German 
susceptibilities  must  be  respected,  or  I  cannot  answer 
for  the  people — not  even  for  the  King !  The  French,  I 
am  quite  aware,  are  buying  horses  and  provisions.  That 
does  not  frighten  me.  Their  harvest  is  a  bad  one,  and 
they  are  quite  right  to  take  precautions  against  distress. 
They  cannot  want  provisions  for  a  war  with  us,  for  in 
such  a  war  they  must  be  the  aggressors ;  and  if  they 
invade  Germany  they  will  find  food  and  provender 
enough  for  ten  French  armies.  Their  preparations  do 
not  disquiet  me  in  the  least.     We  are  always  ready. 

"  *  How  are  we  getting  on  with  our  new  acquisitions  ? 
Very  well,  on  the  whole.  I  have  removed  Hardenberg, 
who  did  not  suit  Hanover  at  all,  and  sent  them  Stolberg, 
a  gentleman,  and  a  thoroughly  honest  man.  We  have 
allowed  them  to  open  their  Provincial  Diet,  so  that  they 
may  administer  their  internal  affairs  if  they  can — and 
we  have  a  certain  majority  of  the  educated  and  com- 
mercial deputies.  Against  us  is  the  Eitterschaft,  or 
Junkers, "  une  petite  gentilhommerie  pauvre  et  stupide," 
who  lived  on  the  old  Court  and  the  King.  Stolberg 
asked  me  whether  he  should  check  this  party,  or  at 


I 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  95 

least  suppress  pubKcity  to  its  sayings  and  doings.  I 
told  him,  "  By  no  means.  If  they  were  on  ^nr  side,  I 
should  decidedly  advise  you  to  do  so  ;  as  they  are 
against  us,  let  them  say  and  do  what  they  like — they 
will  do  us  incalculable  service  by  opposing  and  vilifying 
us."  Hanover  is  all  right,  and  so  will  Frankfort  be 
soon.  The  fact  is  that  Frankfort  has  been  hardly  used 
— von  der  Heydt,  our  Finance  Minister,  hates  them  a 
good  deal,  and  he  is  very  mean  in  all  matters  of  money. 
He  is  constantly  straining  to  add  to  the  Privy  Purse, 
and  somebody  must  pay  for  it.  But  I  have  passed  my 
word  to  the  Frankforters  that  this  grievance  shall  be 
redressed,  and  that  they  shall  be  put  on  the  same  foot- 
ing as  the  most  favoured  Prussian  town — perhaps  even 
better,  as  they  are  new  to  us.  I  induced  the  King  to 
tell  them  the  same  thing  when  he  was  there  the  other 
day,  and  answer  their  deputation  at  Berlin  since  in  the 
same  spirit.  Why,  when  there  was  the  question  of 
that  heavy  fine  to  be  inflicted  upon  them,  the  King 
insisted  upon  its  being  set  at  50,000,000  thalers ;  I 
quietly  cut  it  down  to  25,000,000fl.,  and  said  to  myself, 
"  Bismarck,  you  will  never  see  that  money."  We  shall 
take  over  all  the  State  debts,  and  treat  them  fairly. 
No  wonder  their  house  and  land  property  is  depreciated 
in  value,  if  they  go  on  howling  all  over  Europe  that 
nobody  must  trust  them  any  more.  What  they  have 
lost  is  the  right  of  preaching  in  their  State  Senate  and 
Diet,  if  that  be  a  loss ;  in  most  other  respects  they  have 
gained.  About  the  loan — that  is  another  mess  of  von 
der  Heydt.  Prussia  is  inheritrix  {Bechtsnachfolger)  of 
Frankfort's  obligations,  and  will  redeem  them. 

" '  As  for  our  Parliament,  it  is  pretty  well  in  hand. 


96  Conversations  with   Prince  Bismarck 

We  don't  trouble  the  good  people  much  with  politics, 
and  on  internal  questions,  modified  laws,  etc.,  we  have  a 
majority.  Of  course  some  of  them  talk  Liberal  nonsense 
— they  would  give  anything  not  to  be  obliged  to  do  so ; 
but  they  began  on  that  platform  with  their  constituents, 
and  are  obliged  to  continue,  much  against  their  will. 
No  difficulties  await  us  from  that  quarter. 

"  '  The  Danes  are  giving  us  a  good  deal  of  unnecessary 
trouble.  I  would  meet  them  half  way  if  it  were  not 
that  our  people  are  so  mixed  in  with  them  in  the 
districts  they  want  ceded.  I  know  what  would  happen 
to  our  people,  who  have  compromised  themselves  with 
us  during  the  last  year,  if  we  abandoned  them.  It  is 
not  the  Danish  Government,  but  the  small  officials  and 
the  populace  who  would  avenge  themselves,  and  then 
we  should  have  another  cry  of  distress  rousing  Germany 
and  stirring  up  the  whole  ugly  question  again,  besides 
giving  a  chance  to  France,  which  I  don't  mean  to  do  if 
I  can  help  it.  There  are  ten,  twenty,  in  some  places 
as  much  as  thirty  per  cent,  of  Germans  in  these  parts 
all  the  fuss  is  being  made  about.  I  cannot  and  dare 
not  abandon  them. 

" '  One  word  more  about  Eussia.  Eussia  is  like  a 
strong  and  healthy  man  who  is  attacked  by  an  illness. 
If  he  will  only  take  advice  and  stop  at  home  for  two 
or  three  days  he  will  get  well  immediately,  and  be  as 
strong  as  ever;  but  if  he  will  insist  upon  going  out, 
walking  about,  and  transacting  business  abroad  as  if 
he  were  well,  then  his  malady  will  lay  firm  hold  upon 
him,  and  perhaps  he  will  die.  Two  or  three  days  in 
the  life  of  a  man  mean  ten,  twenty,  or  thirty  years  in 
the  life  of  a  nation.    Eussia  must  "  stop  at  home."    She 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews    97 

has  got  a  great  future,  her  highest  nobles  are  intelligent 
and  honourable,  her  peasants  are  the  best  fellows  in 
the  world ;  it  is  in  the  middle  that  she  is  rotten — the 
official  nobility,  or  Tchin,  is  a  virulent  ulcer,  eating 
away  her  bowels.' " 


Bismarck  and  the  French  Army  Bill  of  1872 
Berlin,  April  6,  1872 

(Narrated  by  Mr.  W.  Beatty-Kingston) 

In  discussing  the  stumblingblocks  in  the  way  of 
general  disarmament,*  Mr.  Beatty-Kingston  referred 
to  his  first  interview  with  Bismarck  in  1867,  when 
the  Prussian  statesman  repudiated  the  idea  of  terri- 
torial aggrandisement  at  the  expense  of  France.  On 
that  occasion  he  had  declared  that  in  the  event  of  war 
and  victory  not  even  Alsace  could  be  annexed  by 
Prussia,  since  its  former  German  inhabitants  had  in 
course  of  time  become  Frenchmen. 

"  Three  years  later  he  saw  reason  to  change  his  mind, 
and,  shortly  after  Sedan,  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it 
would  be  necessary  for  Germany  to  retain  possession  of 
Alsace  at  the  conclusion  of  the  war.  To  the  annexation 
of  Lorraine  he  was  steadfastly  opposed  throughout  the 
whole  campaign,  and  was,  at  the  eleventh  hour,  so  to 
speak,  overruled  by  Moltke,  who  insisted,  on  strategic 
grounds,  that  Metz  must  become  German.  WilUam  I. 
was  of  the  same  opinion,  and  Bismarck  had  to  give  way. 
But  he  said  to  me  on  the  morning  after  the  capitulation 

*  Daily  TeUgraphy  August  31, 1898. 

H 


98  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 


of  Paris,  '  As  you  see,  we  are  keeping  Metz  ;  but  I  con 
fess  that  I  don't  like  that  part  of  the  arrangement. 
Strassburg  is  all  very  well;  Strassburg  is  German  in 
speech,  and  will  be  so  in  heart  ten  years  hence.  Metz, 
however,  is  French,  and  will  be  a  hotbed  of  disaffection 
for  a  long  time  to  come.  The  Emperor  has  too  many 
foreigners  for  subjects  as  it  is.  We  have  had  more 
than  enough  trouble  with  our  Poles,  though  they  have 
been  benevolently  governed,  God  knows  !  And  we 
shall  have  still  more  with  these  Lorrainers,  who  hate  us 
like  poison,  and  will  have,  very  likely,  to  be  roughly 
handled,  whereas  the  good  old  German  Msdsser  will  be 
treated  with  the  utmost  consideration.  They  will  soon 
like  us  better  than  they  ever  liked  the  Frenchmen,  who 
were  never  weary  of  poking  fun  at  them,  gibing  at  their 
accent,  and  generally  holding  them  up  to  ridicule.' 

"  At  that  time  Bismarck  was  decidedly  averse  to  wrest- 
ing Lorraine  from  France;  but  when  the  annexation 
had  become  an  accomplished  fact,  he  would  by  no  means 
admit  that  Germany  could  revoke  it.  Nineteen  years 
later,  at  Friedrichsruh,  I  asked  him  if,  in  his  opinion, 
there  were  no  possibility  of  finally  extinguishing  the 
French  grievance  by  some  voluntary  and  spontaneous 
concession  on  the  part  of  the  Fatherland — some  '  recti- 
fication of  frontier,'  involving  the  retrocession  to  France 
of  the  French-speaking  populations  of  Lorraine ;  some 
compromise,  in  short,  that  would  satisfy  France  without 
imperilling  the  security  of  Germany.  '  There  is  none,' 
he  answered  decisively.  *  We  can  yield  no  territory  to 
them,  except  after  a  lost  battle.  Were  the  cession  small 
or  large,  it  would  only  whet  their  appetite  for  more. 
They  have  held  provinces  inhabited  by  German-speak- 


1 

n-    I 

if  « 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews    99 

ing  populations  for  centuries  ;  provinces  of  which  they 
robbed  us  by  force.  Let  us  now  have  our  turn  at 
holding  territories  peopled  by  a  French-speaking  race. 
Germany  has  never,  wilfully  or  unprovoked,  entered 
France.  France  has  invaded  Germany  in  arms  between 
twenty  and  thirty  times.  In  1870  the  French  had  all 
but  forgotten  their  "  rights  "  over  Cologne  and  Mayence ; 
but  the  Ehine-Line  cry  was  revived  fiercely  enough  then, 
and  would  be  again  if  we  were  to  show  a  disposition 
to  restore  any  part  of  Lorraine  to  them.  As  far  as  the 
subsidence  of  their  resentment  against  us  is  concerned, 
we  can  only  trust  to  time,  as  you  English  did  in  the 
case  of  Waterloo.  That  grievance  died  thirty  years 
ago.'  On  the  same  occasion  Prince  Bismarck  derided 
the  idea  of  a  serious  difficulty  arising  between  Germany 
and  Russia,  adding,  '  As  for  England  and^  Germany,  I 
regard  it  as  an  impossibility  that  these  two  countries 
should  ever  be  at  war,  and  as  singularly  unlikely  that 
they  should  even  quarrel.' 

"  His  own  attitude  towards  France  after  the  war,  at 
certain  critical  moments  when  her  indiscretions  threat- 
ened to  disturb  the  peace  of  Europe,  cannot  be  more 
aptly  illustrated  than  by  the  following  true  story,  which, 
until  to-day,  has  never  been  given  to  publicity.  At 
Lady  Emily  Eussell's  second  State  reception,  given  on 
the  evening  of  April  6,  1872,  Prince  Bismarck  singled 
me  out  in  the  crowd  of  guests,  and  asked  me  to  accom- 
pany him  to  a  small  room  adjoining  the  ambassador's 
library,  where  he  conversed  with  me  on  the  great 
question  of  the  day — the  proposed  French  Army  Bill 
— for  a  little  over  twenty  minutes.  He  spoke  empha- 
tically and  significantly,  looking  me  hard  in  the  face 


100  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

all  the  while  with  his  glinting  grey  eyes,  and  enun- 
ciating each  word  with  unusual  deliberation  and  dis- 
tinctness. After  expressing  in  very  strong  terms  his 
discontent  with  the  behaviour  of  the  French  Govern- 
ment, and  criticizing  with  extreme  severity  the  incon- 
sistencies and  rambling  contradictoriness  of  Thiers'  last 
speech  on  army  reorganization — this  was  in  German, 
by  the  way — he  bent  down  towards  me,  and  said  in 
English — 

" '  I  have  cut  off  the  spurs  of  the  Gallic  cock,  but  he 
is  a  very  dangerous  bird.  If  he  takes  me  for  a  patient 
lamb  that  will  wait  till  they  have  grown  again,  so  that 
he  may  come  and  tear  my  skin,  he  makes  the  greatest 
of  mistakes.  This  time  I  shall  not  have  much  patience 
— not  so  much  as  before  by  a  great  deal.  We  will 
prevent  France  from  hurting  us;  she  shall  not  have 
any  chance  at  all.  You  may  be  sure  that  I  don't  want 
war.  I  told  you  that  I  did  not  in  1867,  and  proved  it. 
Nor  did  I  in  1870  ;  but  all  that  I  have  worked  for  shall 
not  be  lost  because  a  people  is  mad  with  vanity.  They 
try  my  endurance  severely ;  they  must  not  try  it  too 
much ! ' 

"Not  a  little  alarmed  by  this  unexpected  disclosure, 
I  asked  him  if  he  believed  that  the  French  could  by 
any  means  pull  themselves  together  in  such  sort  as 
again  to  try  a  fall  with  Germany  in  the  immediate 
future. 

" '  That  is  not  the  question,'  he  replied.  '  I  will  not 
give  them  time  to  become  really  dangerous.  It  is  my 
business  to  keep  the  time  ' — these  words  he  repeated — 
'  and  I  will  take  care  that  they  do  not  gain  upon  us. 
They  are  trying,  you  see,  all  they  can  to  steal  a  march ; 


Further  Conversations,  anij '  luterviews ,  i  d  i 

but  I  shall  not  allow  it.  When  I  was  in  Eussia,  shoot- 
ing bears,  and  I  saw  the  bear  rising  up  from  all-fours 
to  stand  like  a  man,  I  did  not  wait  to  watch  what  he 
was  going  to  do  next,  but  fired  at  him — at  his  heart — 
to  kill  him.  I  used  to  have  a  very  steady  hand,  and  I 
think  it  is  so  still.  It  was  not  chivalrous,  perhaps,  to 
give  the  bear  so  little  chance.  But  chivalry  is  out  of 
place  with  wild  beasts  !  '  Then  he  went  on  to  tell  me 
that  he  had  instructed  Count  Harry  Arnim,  at  that  time 
German  ambassador  to  the  Third  Eepublic,  to  go  to 
Paris  on  the  following  Monday  and  officially  apprise 
M.  Thiers  that,  unless  he  forthwith  shelved  his  'out- 
rageous Army  Bill,'  the  German  army  would  be 
mobilized  within  a  fortnight,  and  eight  French  depart- 
ments, already  evacuated  in  accordance  with  the  terms 
of  the  Erankfurt  Treaty,  would  at  once  be  reoccupied. 
Germany  would  then,  he  observed,  consider  herself  in 
*  a  state  of  war '  with  France,  and  France  must  take 
the  consequences,  *  which,'  added  the  Chancellor,  with 
characteristic  brutality  of  frankness,  'will  assuredly 
be  a  heavy  penalty  in  money,  the  loss  of  her  navy, 
and  a  further  reduction  of  territory  that  will  drag 
her  down  to  the  status  of  a  third-class  Power. 
You  may  let  your  editors  in  London  know  all  this — 
indeed,  I  wish  you  to  do  so — and  they  may  make  what 
use  they  please  of  it,  as  long  as  neither  they  nor  you 
afford  the  slightest  clue  to  the  source  of  your  informa- 
tion. Of  absolute  discretion  in  this  respect  I  ask  you 
to  assure  me  on  your  honour.  You  will  do  the  French 
a  good  turn  if  you  warn  them  that  the  Prussian  Eagle, 
too,  has  strong  talons  and  a  sharp  beak,  always  ready 
to  scratch  and  bite.' 


102  Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

"  The  desired  warning  was  conveyed  to  France  by  the 
Daily  Telegraph  in  a  leading  article,  which  frightened 
Thiers  and  the  Assembly  well-nigh  out  of  their  wits, 
and  convulsed  the  Paris  Bourse  with  panic.  These 
were  precisely  the  effects  which  Bismarck  aimed  at 
achieving  when  he  authorized  me  to  communicate  his 
startling  disclosures  to  my  principals,  with  power  to 
impart  their  purport  to  the  world  at  large,  his  only 
stipulation  being  that  he  should  not  be  compromised, 
directly  or  indirectly,  as  the  author  of  the  revelations 
here  reproduced  in  his  own  words.  On  my  part  and  on 
that  of  my  chiefs,  the  bargain  was  kept  loyally  and  to 
the  letter.  "We  are  relieved  from  our  obligation  of 
secrecy  by  the  great  statesman's  death.  The  cov.}:) 
devised  by  Bismarck,  and  which  he  had  resolved  to 
carry  out  with  the  aid  of  the  Daily  Telegraph — for  he 
told  me  that  if  he  had  not  met  me  at  the  Embassy  that 
evening  he  would  have  written  to  me  early  the  following 
(Sunday)  morning  to  ask  me  to  call  upon  him  at  midday 
— was  perfectly  successful,  and  saved  him  from  the 
unpleasant  necessity  of  assuming  an  invidious  attitude 
towards  France — an  attitude  of  which  the  comity  of 
civilized  nations  would  assuredly  have  disapproved. 
He  had  sufficient  confidence  in  his  expedient  to  keep 
Harry  Arnim  back  for  forty-eight  hours,  and,  sure 
enough,  as  soon  as  the  ominous  disclosures  had  reached 
the  cognisance  of  the  President  of  the  Eepublic,  M. 
Thiers  telegraphed  to  Gontaut-Biron,  the  French 
ambassador  in  Berlin,  instructing  him  to  make  such 
offers  in  relation  to  the  payment  of  the  war  indemnity 
as  would  satisfy  Bismarck  on  that  point,  and  such 
promises  with  respect  to  the  postponement  of  the  Army 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  103 

Bill  as  would  deprive  the  Chancellor  of  a  legitimate 
pretext  for  interference  with  French  legislation. 

"  Peculiarly  characteristic  of  the  unexpectedness  with 
which  Prince  Bismarck  was  wont  to  pass  from  one 
subject  to  another  in  the  course  of  conversation,  was 
the  serious  lecture  he  was  good  enough  to  favour  me 
with,  after  he  had  apparently  dismissed  the  sins  of 
Prance  and  follies  of  Thiers  from  his  mind,  on  the 
subject  of  British  army  reforms  then  in  contemplation 
—  I  think,  by  Mr.  Cardwell.  Some  of  his  remarks 
struck  me  as  being  very  much  to  the  point.  'You 
Englishmen,'  he  said,  '  should  not  be  so  hot  to  imitate 
Prussia.  Nations  that  imitate  do  not  do  much  good. 
Look  at  Italy.  She  has  always  imitated,  first  France, 
then  us ;  and  she  could  not  win  anything  without  help. 
Nations  should  keep  their  individualities.  The  system 
that  suits  us  does  not  suit  you,  your  habits,  your 
character.  Your  army  did  very  well ;  it  was  English. 
Perhaps  it  will  not  be  improved  by  being  made  half 
Prussian,  an  eighth  French,  and  the  rest  nothing  in 
particular.  It  will  be  good  for  you  if  you  go  back  a 
little  to  your  Conservatives,  who  are  not  the  worst  of 
your  patriots,  and  who  know  more  about  governing, 
although  they  may  be  less  clever,  than  do  the  Piadicals 
and  Specialists.'  I  ventured  to  remark  that  he  was  not 
practising  as  he  preached.  He  replied,  '  That  is  because 
I  am  making  a  Germany.  You  have  your  England 
ready-made  to  hand.  There  is  no  need  for  you  to  upset 
anything  more.  Take  care  that  you  do  not  spoil  your 
people!'  With  this'  piece  of  remarkable  advice  he 
concluded  a  conversation  in  the  course  of  which  the 
fate  of  France  had  hung  trembling  in  the  balance." 


104  Conversations  with   Prince  Bismarck 

The  Futuee  of  Austkia-Hungaky 
February  28,  1874 

(Narrated  by  Maurus  Jokai) 

"  The  Prince  first  spoke  about  Austria-Hungary,  and 
I  listened. 

" '  It  is  necessary  that  a  consolidated  State  like  yours 
should  exist  in  Central  Europe.  I  recognized  that 
already  in  1866,  when  I  hastened  to  conclude  a  peace 
which  was  not  agreeable  to  many  of  our  friends.  The 
German  element  is  called  to  govern  in  Cisleithania, 
the  Magyar  in  Transleithania.  Your  King  is  a  per- 
fectly popular  and  beloved  sovereign  in  Hungary. 
Every  race  is  bound  to  him  by  love.  You  may  rest 
assured  that  this  harmony,  on  which  your  future  is 
founded,  will  not  be  destroyed  by  outward  influences, 
and  that  whoever  wishes  to  trouble  the  peace  of 
Austria  -  Hungary  will  find  himself  opposed  by 
Germany.' 

" '  And  Eussia  ? '  I  interrupted. 

" '  You  have  nothing  to  fear  from  Eussia.  Its  terri- 
tory from  Japan  to  the  Baltic  is  so  extensive  that 
Galicia  would  be  but  a  small  addition  to  it.  It  there- 
fore extends  its  conquests  in  Asia  to  afford  occupation 
to  its  discontented  elements.  The  Czar  and  the  Eussian 
Government  wish  to.  have  peace.' 

"  I  permitted  myself  to  express  my  fears  for  the 
event  of  a  change  of  sovereigns. 

"  *  Believe  me,  the  Eussian  Czarewitch  will  pursue  the 
same  policy  as  his  father.    He  is  an  honest  family  man, 


1 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  105 

loving  peace  and  quiet,  and  he  will  never  think  of 
planning  campaigns  like  Tamerlane  or  Napoleon,  or 
of  continuing  Peter  the  Great's  testament/ 


Bismarck  and  Mk.  John  Booth  of  Klein-Flottbeck 

The  following  interesting  diary  notes  by  Mr.  John 
Booth,*  a  neighbour  of  the  Chancellor's  at  Friedrichsruh, 
record  his  personal  reminiscences  of  Prince  Bismarck 
from  1878  up  to  the  Prince's  death. 

Mr,  John  Booth,  whose  ancestors  emigrated  from 
Scotland  to  Hamburg,  inherited  the  large  horticultural 
gardens  at  Klein-Flottbeck,  which  were  established  by 
his  father  between  1820-48,  and  were  chiefly  devoted 
to  the  acclimatization  of  valuable  foreign  trees. 

Following  in  his  father's  footsteps,  Mr.  Booth  de- 
voted his  energies  to  this  object  for  many  years,  and 
it  is  in  no  small  part  due  to  his  disinterested  efforts 
that  so  much  has  been  done  for  the  improvement  of 
the  German  forest.  Over  a  hundred  experimental 
nurseries  were  established  in  various  parts  of  the 
Fatherland  at  his  suggestion,  but  it  was  only  by 
Bismarck's  sympathetic  support  that  the  blind  bureau- 
cratic opposition  to  this  project  was  overcome.  With 
a  view  to  enlisting  the  Prince's  powerful  influence  in 
this  project.  Booth  forwarded  a  copy  of  his  pamphlet 
on  the  Douglas  pine  to  the  Prince,  and  asked  for  per- 
mission to  plant  a  few  specimens  on  the  Friedrichsruh 
estate.     This   led  in  May,   1878,  to  an  invitation  to 

*  "Personal  Keminiscences  of   Prince  Bismarck."     John  Booth. 
Hamburg:  1899. 


io6   Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

Friedriclisruh,  when  the  specimen  trees  were  to  be 
planted. 

At  this  time  Prince  Bismarck  was  just  recovering 
from  an  illness,  and  had  allowed  his  beard  to  grow  for 
the  better  protection  of  his  face  and  throat.  As  they 
walked  towards  the  plantation,  the  conversation  first 
turned  on  the  house  they  had  just  quitted,  which  had 
formerly  been  a  summer  restaurant-hotel  for  the  Ham- 
burgers. "  At  my  age  I  did  not  want  to  build  a  new 
house,  which  would  hardly  get  dry  in  my  time :  my 
son  can  do  that.  This  one  suits  me  very  well.  I  found 
it  here,  built  on  to  it  a  little,  and  no  one  has  any  right 
to  criticize ;  moreover,  I  suffer  from  railway  fever,  and 
therefore  the  close  proximity  to  the  line  is  very  comfort- 
able for  me.  I  can  get  here  from  the  Wilhelmstrasse 
in  a  few  hours." 

On  arriving  at  the  appointed  place,  Bismarck  called 
for  a  chair,  and,  with  a  dog  on  either  side,  minutely 
superintended  the  planting  of  the  young  firs.  When 
this  operation  was  completed,  Bismarck  took  his  guest 
for  a  walk  round  the  grounds,  and  eventually  came  to 
the  forester's  house.  Pointing  to  it,  the  Chancellor 
mentioned  that  he  had  lived  there,  and  said,  "  It  was 
the  happiest  time  of  my  life,  and  it  was  only  uncomfort- 
able when  we  had  visitors,  as,  for  instance,  when  Schu- 
valoff,  the  Eussian  ambassador  in  London,  was  here. 
He  had  to  camp  up  there  " — pointing  to  an  attic  window 
— "  where  my  wife's  maid  usually  slept,  whilst  she  had 
to  sleep  elsewhere." 

Bismarck  next  spoke  about  many  abuses  that  had 
until  recently  prevailed  in  the  Saxon  forest,  e.g.  a 
pastor  had  for  many  years  obtained  trunks  of  beech 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  107 

trees  for  firewood,  and  then  sold  them  for  parquet-floor 
blocks.  He  also  complained  of  the  composition  of  the 
Eeichstag,  and  the  number  of  theorists  sent  there,  who, 
knowing  everything  better  than  every  one  else,  could 
do  nothing — men  with  assured  incomes  and  positions 
who  did  not  have  to  fight  for  their  daily  bread. 

At  half-past  five  they  returned  to  the  house  to  dinner, 
which  for  Bismarck  meant  invalid's  diet.  Mention 
being  made  of  Count  Nesselrode,  Bismarck  said,  "  He 
was  a  very  refined  man,  one  of  the  really  aristocratic 
Eussians.  Gortschakoff "  —  here  he  reflected  and 
murmured  a  patently  unfavourable  opinion  to  him- 
self— "But  many  of  those  who  nowadays  call  them- 
selves Eussian  princes,  excel  in  brutalities."  Bismarck 
then  discussed  the  situation  in  Eussia  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  convince  his  hearers  that  he  would  continue  the 
Eussian  alliance  so  long  as  it  seemed  to  him  to  be  of 
service  to  Germany.* 

After  dinner  the  Princess  handed  round  the  cigars, 
whilst  Bismarck  took  his  pipe  for  the  first  time  since 
his  illness,  but  had  to  put  it  away  again  after  ten 
minutes.  "  I  believe,"  said  he  to  Booth,  "  if  I  could  go 
planting  here  another  week  with  you,  then  travel 
incognito  a  few  months,  and  then  plant  again  in  the 
autumn,  it  would  be  far  better  for  me  than  my  real 
vocation."  f 

♦  The  Germanophobe  attitude  of  Russia  in  1879  forced  Bismarck 
to  conclude  an  alliance  with  Austria. 

t  Later  on,  in  1887,  he  wrote  to  Consul-General  v.  Lade,  "  I  envy 
you  your  favourite  occupation  in  the  evening  of  your  life :  the  vegetable 
kingdom  is  more  receptive  and  grateful  than  politics  for  the  care 
bestowed  on  it.  It  was  the  ideal  of  my  young  days  to  imagine  myself 
as  an  old  man,  free  of  cares,  busy  with  his  grafting  in  the  garden." 


io8   Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

Their  next  meeting  took  place  at  tlie  end  of  October, 
1878,  when  Bismarck  expressed  himself  willing  to  run 
the  risk  of  catching  cold  again  by  watching  the 
completion  of  Booth's  work. 

Booth  congratulated  the  Prince  on  the  marked 
improvement  of  his  health  compared  with  what  his 
appearance  had  been  earlier  in  the  year.  Having  sat 
down  on  a  bench  and  called  for  beer,  Bismarck  replied, 
"  Yes,  I  was  very  ill  then,  and  shortly  afterwards  all 
those  excitements  came  upon  me.  It  was  no  easy 
matter,  after  the  attempts  to  assassinate  the  Emperor,* 
to  get  all  my  colleagues  under  one  hat  to  vote  for  the 
dissolution  of  the  Eeichstag,  and  then  to  gain  the  con- 
sent of  the  Crown  Prince,  who  was  carrying  on  the 
Government  for  the  wounded  Emperor.  But  I  was  in 
the  right.  And  then  the  Congress !  t  I  had  the  greatest 
wish  to  depart  from  Berlin  at  once,  but  I  saw  nothing 
would  happen,  and  that  they  would  all  disperse  unless 
I  remained  there.  The  mental  exhaustion  which  I 
suffered  from  at  that  time  was  terrible  ! 

"  Apart  from  the  importance  of  the  negotiations,  it  is 
extremely  exhausting  to  express  one's  self  in  a  foreign 
language,  no  matter  how  fluently  one  may  speak  it — 
so  correctly  that  it  can  be  taken  down  in  the  protocol 
without  more  to  do.  I  rarely  got  to  sleep  before  six, 
often  only  having  a  couple  of  hours  about  eight  o'clock ; 
I  was  then  not  at  home  to  any  one  until  noon,  and  you 
can  imagine  the  mood  I  was  in  for  the  sittings.  My 
brain  was  a  jelly-like  incoherent  mass.  Before  I 
proceeded  to  the  Congress  I  drank  two  or  three  such 

*  May  11,  Hodel's;  June  2,  Nobiling's. 
t  June  13  to  July  13. 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  109 

glasses  " — here  he  pointed  to  the  beer-glass  in  his  hand 
— "  full  of  the  strongest  port  wine,  in  order  to  get  my 
blood  to  circulate  properly ;  but  for  this  I  should  have 
been  quite  unable  to  preside." 

Again  Mr.  Booth  had  the  honour  of  dining  with  the 
Bismarck  family,  when  the  chief  topic  of  conversation 
was  the  question  of  who  was  to  be  invited  to  the 
wedding  of  Countess  Marie,  which  was  to  take  place  the 
following  week. 

Count  Herbert  had  brought  a  packet  of  letters  for  his 
mother,  who  opened  them  at  table,  and  quoted  extracts 
for  the  information  of  all  present.  Bismarck  listened 
quietly,  and  only  now  and  again  interrupted  with 
some  remark  on  the  personality  of  one  or  another  of 
the  individuals   mentioned.     "The    Russian    Princess 

N ,"  said  the  lady  of  the  house,  "will  come  to 

Berlin  in  December." — "  Old  police  spy  1 "  interrupted 
Bismarck,  without  looking  up. — "  I  have  invited  Count 
Mouy  of  the  French  Embassy,  who  is  such  a  friend 
of  ours,"  remarked  the  Princess.  "  Then  we  must  have 
Arapoff  of  the  Eussian  Embassy  as  a  counterweight," 
replied  Bismarck.  "What  do  you  think  about  the 
ambassadors.  Otto  ? "  inquired  the  Princess.  "  Karolyi 
is  the  nearest  to  me,  but  he  is  out  of  the  question ; 
for  if  I  invite  him,  the  Ptussian  and  Turkish  am- 
bassadors would  expect  invitations  too.  I  should  not 
care  to  have  them  on  this  occasion." 

Later  in  the  day  the  Princess  spoke  of  the  landed 
interests  of  Count  Brockdorff-Ascheberg,  who  was 
greatly  satisfied  with  his  Livland  purchases.  The 
Chancellor  was  of  the  contrary  opinion.  "I  should 
never  buy  land  in  Russia,  on  account  of  the  uncertainty 


no   Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

of  political  relations.  Who  will  be  guarantee  to  me 
for  my  possessions  if  the  Czarewitch  succeeds  to- 
morrow, and  with  him  the  Slavonic  element ;  and  if 
I  retain  them,  to  what  chicanery  may  I  not  be  exposed 
as  a  German  ?  *  When  I  was  ambassador  in  Peters- 
burg, my  compatriots  often  brought  their  grievances  to 
me ;  but  I  could  do  nothing  for  them  except  refer 
them  to  one  of  the  clerks  of  the  Embassy,  who  was 
well  acquainted  with  the  customary  ways  and  means 
of  Kussia."  The  Prince  went  on  to  relate  how  he  had 
one  day  referred  a  good  friend  of  his  to  this  clerk, 
and  had  asked  him  to  come  again  in  a  few  days  and 
report  progress.  His  friend  returned  very  well  satisfied, 
and  told  the  following  story.  The  general  in  question 
invited  him  to  breakfast,  and  then  took  him  into  a  large 
room  hung  with  all  kinds  of  worthless  pictures.  One 
of  them  he  praised  to  the  skies,  and  then  declared  that, 
although  he  would  only  part  unwillingly  with  it,  he 
would  nevertheless  accept  two  thousand  roubles  for  it. 
Bismarck's  friend  fell  in  with  the  spirit  of  the  thing, 
paid  for  the  picture,  and  got  what  he  wanted. 

November  19,  1878,  again  found  Mr.  Booth  at  Fried- 
richsruh,  in  response  to  an  invitation  from  the  Prince. 
The  Princess  was  away  on  a  visit,  and  so  only  the 
Chancellor,  Count  Herbert,  Chief  Forester  Lange,  and 
Booth,  sat  down  to  table.     A  dozen  oysters  stood  at 

*  The  above  affords  a  remarkable  instance  of  Bismarck's  prophetic 
instinct.  For,  as  is' well  known,  the  Russification  of  the  Eastern 
provinces  was  afterwards  decided  upon  in  the  Eighties,  and  this 
resulted  in  endless  chicanery  for  foreign  landowners  in  Russia. 
Germans  were  given  the  alternative  of  either  accepting  Russian 
naturalization,  or  of  selling  their  property  at  whatever  price  it 
might  fetch. 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  1 1 1 

each  place.  "  How  many  were  sent  ? "  asked  Bismarck. 
"A  hundred."  "I  think,"  said  Bismarck,  "we  will 
eat  them  all  to-day;  the  ladies  don't  like  them,  and 
Tiedeman  doesn't  want  any."  And  with  that  he  ordered 
the  remainder  to  be  brought  in.  "  The  largest  number 
of  oysters  I  ever  consumed  at  one  time,"  continued 
Bismarck,  "was  when  I  ate  a  hundred  and  seventy- 
five,  at  Liittich,  on  my  return  from  England  thirty-six 
years  ago,  when  I  was  twenty-six.  First  I  ordered 
twenty-five,  and  then,  finding  them  excellent,  another 
fifty ;  but  whilst  I  was  consuming  these  I  decided 
to  eat  nothing  else,  and  ordered  another  hundred,  greatly 
to  the  amusement  of  those  present." 

As  the  Prince  preferred  his  game  cold,  a  piece  of 
cold  hare  was  placed  in  front  of  him.  "  A  Pomeranian 
hare  like  this  is  quite  a  different  animal  to  a  Holstein 
one,  and  tastes  quite  differently,"  said  Bismarck,  and 
forthwith  cut  off  a  piece  and  put  it  on  Booth's  plate  so 
that  he  might  see  the  difference.  Then  he  spoke  of 
his  cellar :  "  I  was  formerly  a  great  claret-drinker,  but 
now  I  have  quite  left  it  off.  How  one's  taste  changes  ! 
The  wine  one  drinks  for  four  weeks  one  can't  swallow 
the  fifth." 

Whilst  discussing  the  forests  of  America,  Bismarck 
also  touched  upon  the  long-continued  depression  of 
German  wood,  saying,  "If  we  do  not  regulate  the 
absurd  railway  tariffs  and  get  them  into  our  own  hands, 
we  shall  ultimately  be  ruined.  But  even  in  these 
matters  the  German  fool  wants  to  act  for  himself.  If 
by  reason  of  differential  tariffs,  wood  can  be  sent  to 
Lyons  cheaper  from  Hungary  than  from  the  Black 
Forest,  it   is   an    absurdity    which   must  ruin  every 


112   Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

reasonable  business."  Next,  referring  to  tbe  iron  duty, 
lie  observed,  "During  my  thirty  or  forty  years'  experience 
of  estate  management,  my  blacksmiths'  bills  have 
always  increased,  no  matter  what  the  duty  was.  Now, 
will  anybody  seriously  maintain  that  the  abolition  of 
iron  duties  has  really  benefited  the  landed  proprietors. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  duty  plays  no  part  with  regard 
to  the  few  prongs  and  iron  fittings,  and  the  country- 
man, who  is  always  pushed  into  the  foreground  in  these 
questions,  practically  notices  no  change.  It  will  cost 
many  a  struggle,  possibly  even  dissolution  of  the 
Eeichstag,  before  these  hair-splittings  are  overcome." 

In  response  to  an  invitation  to  dinner,  Mr.  Booth 
proceeded  to  Friedrichsruh  on  the  26th  of  January, 
1879. 

"  Why  have  you  put  on  evening  dress  ?  you  never  did 
so  before,"  asked  the  Prince,  on  welcoming  his  guest. 
"On  former  occasions  I  was  out  with  your  Highness 
planting  all  day,  but  this  time  I  was  specially  invited 
for  dinner."  "  You  have  embarrassed  me,"  said  the 
master  of  the  house,  "  for  I  do  not  possess  any  evening 
dress,  and  I  should  have  to  put  on  uniform."  "I 
believe,"  said  the  Princess,  "that  the  last  time  my 
husband  had  a  dress  suit  made  was  for  our  silver 
wedding." 

At  dinner  the  Princess  regretted  that  her  husband 
had  to  resume  his  parliamentary  duties  so  soon,  and 
spoke  of  the  inevitable  results  to  his  health  caused  by 
the  Opposition. 

"  I  do  not  get  angry  with  the  Opposition  any  more 
than  I  do,  in  a  war  with  the  French,  when  a  Frenchman 
shoots  at  me.    I  can  look  at  N and  his  companions 


Mi^, 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  1 1 3 

at  ten  paces  when  they  are  throwing  mud  and  stones  at 
me ;  but  Lasker  and  his  followers  annoy  me,  for  they 
appear  to  go  with  me,  and  then  at  the  decisive  moment 
act  quite  differently  to  what  I  ought  to  expect  from 
them."  From  this  he  proceeded  quite  calmly  and  im- 
partially to  criticize  the  Progressive  Party  and  its  un- 
fruitfulness.  "  Tell  me  of  one  single  thing  which  they 
have  accomplished  up  to  now — when  they  were  not  in 
opposition  to  me.  But  the  chief  difficulties  are  en- 
countered behind  the  scenes.  What  pains  did  it  not 
cost  me  last  year  to  bring  the  ministers,  and  even 
the  Crown  Prince,  to  dissolve  the  Eeichstag  !  "  Then, 
speaking  sotto  voce,  in  order  that  all  should  not  hear 
his  words,  perhaps,  he  added,  "  Certain  ministers  are 
nothing  more  nor  less  than  assessors ;  they  think  they 
are  doing  their  duty  and  governing  when  they  paste 
a  numbered  label  on  each  document." 

Eeferring  to  the  proposed  new  taxes  and  duties, 
Bismarck  said,  "  If  they  are  not  passed,  I  shall  dissolve 
the  Eeichstag  and  retire.  Generally  speaking,  I  con- 
sider it  a  want  of  taste  when  ex-ministers  fight  against 
the  new  ministers;  but  in  this  case  I  should  do  so 
with  all  my  strength  as  a  deputy,  and  I  should  soon 
find  a  constituency.  Above  all,  I  want  to  frame  our 
taxes  rationally.  What  injustice,  for  instance,  lies  in 
the  equal  taxation  of  the  income  of  an  individual  who 
draws  2000  thalers  a  year,  and  that  of  a  small  trades- 
man, official,  or  teacher  who  has  to  struggle  daily  for 
an  income  of  the  same  amount !  " 

After  dinner  was  over,  Bismarck  and  his  guest  had 
a  long  talk  about  exotic  firs,  especially  the  Douglas. 
The  Chancellor  intended  to  write  to  the  Marquis  of 

I 


114    Conversations  with   Prince  Bismarck 

Lome  (then  Governor  of  Canada)  on  the  subject.  "  I 
spent  some  time  with  him  and  his  amiable  wife  in 
Kissingen,  and  I  think  he  would  willingly  do  me  a 
favour." 

Mr.  Booth's  first  invitation  to  dinner  at  the  Chan- 
cellor's palace  in  Berlin  was  dated  April  3,  1879. 
Amongst  those  invited  were  Franz  von  Lenbach, 
Minister  Hoffmann,  several  Privy  Councillors  and 
offi.cers — in  all  some  twenty  guests.  Bismarck  was 
somewhat  late,  as  he  had  to  preside  at  an  important 
meeting  of  the  Federal  Council,  at  which  the  tariff 
reform  was  to  be  discussed.  At  last  the  doors  flew 
open,  and  in  burst  two  large  dogs,  whose  necks  were 
still  decorated  by  red  silk  ribbons  in  honour  of  their 
master's  bii'thday  (April  1),  followed  a  second  later 
by  the  Chancellor  himself. 

During  dinner  Bismarck  asked  Hoffmann  about  some 
document  or  other,  and  was  informed  that  it  was 
probably  in  the  possession  of  some  councillor.  The 
Prince  remarked  half  aloud,  "  It  will  never  be  any 
better  with  us  until  all  the  Privy  Councillors  are  ex- 
tirpated root  and  branch ; "  and  later  on  continued  the 
subject  by  saying,  "  Well,  just  as  the  Poles  cannot  get 
on  without  Jews,  so  the  Prussians  must  have  their 
Privy  Councillors." 

Speaking  of  Delbriick,  the  Chancellor  observed  that 
he  was  a  bureaucrat  in  the  good  sense  of  the  word, 
"  the  fine  fleur,  if  I  may  say  so,  of  bureaucracy."  Dis- 
cussing the  rule  of  the  ministers,  each  of  whom  acted 
quite  regardless  of  the  other,  he  said,  "  Camphausen,  in 
particular,  acted  very  badly  in  this  respect;  he  comes 
first,  then  his  ministry.    Let  everything  else  round  him 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  1 1 5 

get  out  of  joint  and  the  State  be  ruined,  he  goes  up  to 
heaven  as  a  financier  '  and  a  good  man/  as  Valentin 
says."  Nor  had  Bismarck  anything  good  to  say  about 
ministers  of  finance  in  general  as  he  went  through  the 
list  of  them  for  the  last  fifty  years  and  mentioned  the 
deficits  of  each  individual  one. 

Some  one  inquired  whether  the  Prince  was  still  a 
great  smoker.  "  I  no  longer  smoke  cigars,"  replied 
Bismarck.  "  I  tried  a  very  mild  one  recently,  but 
found  it  impossible.  Indeed,  I  believe  that  every  man 
has  a  certain  quantity  allotted  to  him;  after  he  has 
consumed  it  his  capacity  ceases.  For  my  part,  I  claim 
about  100,000  cigars  and  5000  bottles  of  champagne." 
The  Prince  attempted  to  prove  his  figures,  and  succeeded 
in  the  case  of  the  cigars,  but,  though  he  could  point  to 
a  consumption  of  two  bottles  a  day  during  his  stay  in 
St.  Petersburg,  he  was  unable  to  do  the  same  with  the 
champagne.  "  Well,  then  I  have  still  a  good  quantity 
to  my  credit ;  and  I  am  fond  of  it  even  nowadays." 

During  the  after-dinner  conversation  Lenbach  made 
several  sketches  for  a  portrait  of  Bismarck  which  the 
Emperor  had  ordered. 

Another  project  that  brought  Mr.  Booth  into  frequent 
touch  with  the  Chancellor  was  the  Kurfiirstendamm, 
the  only  thoroughfare  which  led  from  Berlin  to  the 
Grunewald.  As  far  back  as  1873,  Bismarck  had 
reported  on  this  matter  to  the  Emperor,  but  nothing 
had  been  done  beyond  fixing  the  breadth  of  the  road  to 
be  constructed  at  52  metres  (about  60  yards).  In  1881 
Booth  surprised  Bismarck  with  the  information  that 
some  Englishmen  were  willing  to  construct  the  road  in 
return  for  a  ninety-nine  years'  lease  of  a  few  hundred 


ii6    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

acres,  of  the  Grunewald,  where  they  proposed  building 
villas.  The  Emperor,  on  hearing  of  this  scheme,  signified 
his  approval,  and  at  last  it  seemed  as  if  this  much-needed 
improvement  was  about  to  be  realized.  Yet,  notwith- 
standing the  good-will  of  the  Emperor  and  the  Chancellor, 
difficulty  after  difficulty  arose,  one  of  them  being  the 
canalization  of  the  so-called  "  Schwarzer  Graben  "  (i.e. 
Black  Ditch).  This  "  Black  Ditch  "  is  described  as  an 
"  open,  stinking  cloaca,  whose  black,  pulpy  mass  rolled 
sluggishly  from  Schoneberg  to  Charlottenburg  and 
poisoned  the  whole  neighbourhood."  But  since  various 
bureaucrats  in  various  ministries  could  not  come  to  an 
agreement  on  certain  points,  so  the  nuisance  continued 
unabated,  though  the  requisite  money  had  been  ready 
for  some  time. 

On  one  occasion  Prince  Bismarck  wrote  the  follow- 
ing note  on  the  margin  of  one  of  the  papers  relating  to 
the  Black  Ditch :  "  I  can  only  confirm  the  correctness  of 
this,  for  yesterday  I  convinced  myself  by  my  own  sense 
of  smell !  "  But,  as  President  of  the  Ministry,  he  was 
powerless  in  the  face  of  the  difference  of  ministerial 
opinion.  At  length  Mr.  Booth  drew  the  Prince's 
attention  to  the  danger  of  cholera,  which  might  be  bred 
by  the  Black  Ditch,  and  by  setting  the  Imperial  Health 
Office  in  motion  by  virtue  of  his  position  as  Chancellor, 
Bismarck  was  able  to  issue  the  necessary  orders. 

It  was  not  without  good  reason  that  Bismarck  in 
later  years  repeatedly  observed  that  innumerable  diffi- 
culties had  been  put  in  his  way  in  the  construction  of 
the  Kurflirstendamm — more,  in  fact,  than  all  the  diplo- 
matists of  Europe  had  subjected  him  to  in  any  matter. 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  117 

KiSSINGEN 

August  16,  1890 
(Narrated  by  Anton  Memminger  *) 

"  On  the  arrival  of  Prince  Bismarck  at  Kissingen  after 
his  dismissal,  I  received  a  telegram  to  say  that  he  was 
expecting  me.  I  proceeded  to  Kissingen  at  once,  and 
arrived  at  the  Upper  Saline  about  1.45  p.m.,  just  as 
lunch  was  being  cleared  away. 

"  The  Prince's  secretary.  Dr.  Chrysander,  to  whom  I 
had  sent  my  name,  informed  me  that  the  Prince  would 
receive  me  immediately.  Since,  however,  I  was  clad  in 
^  g^ey  jacket  and  had  left  my  portmanteau  in  my  hotel, 
I  said  that  I  would  drive  there  as  soon  as  possible 
to  put  on  a  black  suit.  This  was  of  no  importance; 
the  Prince  wished  to  see  me,  and  not  my  wardrobe. 
Everything  happened  so  quickly,  that,  without  more 
ado,  I  was  forced  to  step  from  the  dining-room  to  the 
Prince's  study. 

"  The  Prince  stood  erect  before  me  in  his  simple  black 
coat,  gazing  earnestly  at  me  with  his  great  eyes.  I 
stepped  up  to  him  without  hesitation  and  grasped  his 
proffered  hand,  as  he  returned  the  pressure  with  the 
words,  'You  are  heartily  welcome.'  I  then  thanked 
him  for  his  invitation,  and  was  about  to  add  a  few 
polite  words,  when  he  interrupted  me.  'You  have 
nothing  to  thank  me  for ;  you  are  a  self-made  man.  I 
confess  that  I  did  not  imagine  you  to  be  such  a  Pome- 
ranian Grenadier.  Why,  you  are  as  broad  and  heavy 
*  Editor  of  the  Neue  Bayerische  Landeszeitung. 


1 1 8    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

and  almost  as  tall  as  I  am.     Please  take  a  seat ;  I  have 
several  matters  to  discuss.' 

"  The  Prince  settled  himself  on  the  sofa  in  such  a 
position  that  he  could  rest  his  head  and  back  against  its 
high  wing,  and,  stretching  one  leg,  remarked,  '  You  will 
not  take  it  amiss  if  I  make  myself  comfortable ;  I 
often  feel  twinges  in  my  legs  now  that  I  am  no  longer 
quite  free  from  gout.  I  am  also  old :  age  is  the  worst 
malady  that  I  endure  and  will  kill  me^  some  day, 
perhaps  just  at  the  moment  when  I  am  most  plagued 
by  curiosity  to  see  what  turn  events  will  take  in  the 
world.  We  really  live  in  a  most  interesting  age — an 
age  which  may  become  still  more  interesting,  since 
unpleasant  times  and  events  will  certainly  come  sooner 
than  many  a  wise  augur  predicts.' 

"  I  had  taken  an  easy-chair  opposite  the  Prince,  and 
moved  a  little  to  one  side,  as  the  sun  shone  into  my  eyes. 
Tyras,  who  was  lying  close  to  my  chair,  growled,  and  I  told 
him  to  be  quiet.  The  Prince,  who  also  forbade  him  to 
growl,  must  have  noticed  that  I  did  not  think  much  of 
the  dog,  for  he  said,  'The  animal  does  not  seem  to 
please  you  ? ' 

"  *  No,  your  Highness ;  he  has  a  stupid  head.' 
"The  Prince  laughed  aloud.  *You  speak  openly, 
which  pleases  me ;  but  I  must  tell  you  that  you  are 
the  first  visitor  who  has  failed  to  admire  the  dog.  Every 
one  else,  and  especially  the  ladies,  who  have  met  him 
in  the  streets,  havfe  hitherto  thought  him  wonderfully 
beautiful  and  charming.' 

"  '  But  I  think  the  dog  as  ugly  as  he  is  stupid.' 
" '  Why,  this  is  even  better,'  laughed  the  Prince.    ' Take 
care  that  you  utter  no  insult  and  are  locked  up  again.' 


i^dL.. 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  1 1 9 

" '  Oh  no,  your  Highness ;  I  have  no  such  thought. 
How  can  I  commit  an  offence  in  not  considering  a  cur 
more  beautiful  than  he  really  is  ? ' 

"  '  You  are  quite  right/  replied  the  Prince.  '  I  have 
never  thought  the  dog  good-looking  or  clever ;  at  first 
one  could  hardly  bear  to  look  at  him.  Everywhere 
and  always  one  can  find  people  who  do  not  deny  their 
Simian  descent,  and  who  tender  homage  to  their  cousin, 
the  dog.  Why,  there  are  even  foolish  ladies  who  wish 
to  possess  hairs  of  this  animal  to  carry  about  in  golden 
lockets  as  treasured  remembrances  and  talismans  in 
the  place  of  "lucky  pigs."  If  they  only  knew  that 
this  dog  is  a  present  from  the  Emperor!  And  you 
cannot  have  known  this  either,  or  you  would  have 
spoken  more  considerately  and  euphemistically  of 
Tyras.  Of  course  you  have  no  wedding-garment  and 
no  knee-breeches,  only  a  Bavarian  peasant's  coat.* 

" '  Your  Highness,  I  speak  as  I  think,  and  it's  all 
the  same  whether  I  am  in  a  Bavarian  coat  or  appear 
as  a  Salon  Tyroler  before  the  Emperor  or  the  Czar,  the 
Pope  or  the  Sultan ! ' 

"  Again  the  Prince  laughed.  '  It's  all  the  same — that 
is  your  motto.  I  have  already  noticed  it  in  your  paper, 
and  I  must  say  that  Marcus  Aurelius  could  not  have 
found  a  better  inscription  for  his  Stoa.  In  certain 
situations — for  instance,  on  the  day  of  my  dismissal, 
and  since  then — I  also  adopted  a  similar  motto. 
I  therefore  retain  this  dog  of  the  Emperor's.  "  It's 
all  the  same ! "  I  had  a  fine  hound,  a  grey  bitch, 
Kebecca,  of  the  same  breed  as  my  old  dog,  Tyras  I., 
who  was  a  gift  from  the  Munich  Dog  Fanciers'  Associ- 
ation.   Tyras  was  really  an  excellent  dog,  under  whose 


120    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

protection  I  was  much  safer  than  under  that  of  the 
whole  secret  police  of  Berlin.  The  loss  of  that  dog, 
in  fact,  grieved  me  as  much  as  that  of  my  former 
"  Eeichshund,"  Sultan,  who  was  poisoned  by  a  miser- 
able scoundrel  and  a  faithless  employe.  As  my  birth- 
day happened  to  be  coming  round,  the  Emperor  asked 

Minister  how  he   could  give  me  pleasure,  and, 

on  being  told  of  the  death  of  Tyras  and  my  grief,  he 
at  once  ordered,  "  See  that  you  get  him  a  new  Reichs- 
hund"  The  minister,  who  understands  about  as  much 
about  dogs  as  certain  "  diplomats  "  do  about  "  statesman- 
ship," went  to  the  celebrated  dog  breeders,  Caesar  und 
Minka,  and  ordered  a  new  "  imperial "  dog.  Immedi- 
ately afterwards — now  listen — I  received  a  letter  from 
Caesar  und  MinJca,  in  which  they  requested  per- 
mission to  assume  the  title  of  "  Purveyors  to  Prince 
Bismarck  "  in  return  for  supplying  a  rare  and  magnifi- 
cent specimen  of  a  dog.  Such  coolness  went  against 
the  grain,  and  I  sent  them  an  answer  which  they 
certainly  will  never  sell  to  an  autograph-collector.* 

" '  This  dog-story,  your  Highness,'  I  interrupted,  '  is 
very  instructive,  and  appears  to  me  very  like  a  Tele- 
machiad  composed  by  Democritos  in  usum  delphini.  If 
one  wanted  to  be  malicious,  one  might  write  very 
drastic  and  pointed  political  letters  on  this  subject 
to  Paula  Erbswurst  in  the  Kladderadatsch.' 

"  *  Oh  no,'  disclaimed  the  Prince ;  '  I  had  intended 
to  talk  over  something  quite  different  with  you,  but 
your  independent  remark  led  me  to  the  subject  of  the 
dog.  In  the  mean  time,  I  beg  that  you  will  not  com- 
ment on  this  dog-story,  as  is  the  custom  of  your  paper ; 
otherwise  you  will  receive  some  "  Berlin  blue  "  from  the 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  121 

chemical  factory  of  Drescher  &  Co.*  I  would  not  relate 
this  story  to  the  foreign  editors  who  recently  came 
here,  but  Schweniger  has  already  told  me  that  I  need 
not  be  anxious  lest  you  should  publish  anything  that 
I  could  object  to.  After  my  death  you  can  do  what 
you  like,  though  even  then  certain  limits  will  be 
imposed  out  of  consideration  for  the  living,  the  interests 
of  the  Empire  or  of  your  own  country  Bavaria.  You  may 
consider  what  I  wish  to  say  to  you  to-day  as  a  token  of 
my  gratitude  because  you  were  the  first  fighter  who  stood 
up  for  me  with  a  two-edged  sword,  although  you  were 
in  no  way  bound  to  me,  whilst  those  whom  I  had 
nurtured  have  kicked  me.  In  recognition  thereof  I 
will  hold  a  kind  of  political  council,  and  present  you 
with  a  vade  mecum  to  the  criticism  of  great  political 
events  which  will  be  of  use  to  you  as  an  editor.' 

"  The  Prince  paused,  altered  his  position,  and,  drawing 
out  a  white  pocket-handkerchief,  laid  it  on  the  back  of 
the  sofa  and  placed  his  head  on  it.  '  I  have  to  help 
myself  as  best  I  can.  My  landlord,  whom  you  know, 
always  gives  me  his  antique  implements  of  torture, 
dating  from  Till  Eiemenschneider,  in  the  Peasants' 
War,  and  apparently  intends  to  avenge  the  peasants  on 
the  squire.  This  sofa  is  really  a  rack,  and  the  material 
is  so  coarse  that  I  should  wound  my  bald  head  unless 
I  put  my  handkerchief  underneath  as  a  precautionary 
measure.  Still,  what  does  not  the  force  of  custom 
bring  about  ?  I  have  lived  here  in  quiet  solitude  apart 
from  the  town  and  the  world,  as  Chancellor,  and  I  now 
remain  here  as  a  peasant.     The  peace  of  former  days, 

*  Anglic^,  "You  will  be  prosecuted  by  the  Prussian  State 
Attorney." 


122    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

it  is  true,  departed;  people  come  from  all  parts,  and 
the  burden  of  work  no  longer  compels  me  to  have  the 
multitude  kept  away  by  the  police.  I  have  never 
thought  much  of  luxurious  ease,  my  kitchen  and  a 
well-stocked  cellar  have  been  my  best  comfort.  When 
one  does  much  brain  work,  the  used-up  tissues  must 
be  replaced.  My  doctor  Schweninger  is  of  this  opinion 
too,  though  he  did  not  allow  sufficiently  for  the  capa- 
city of  my  stomach.  He  is  sometimes  too  exacting  with 
me,  yet  I  must  obey  him ;  and  because  he  is  the  only 
man  who  has  any  power  over  me,  I  obey  him  almost 
unconditionally.  I  owe  him  the  greatest  thanks,  and 
I  consider  that  there  are  few  so  learned  and  interesting 
professors  as  he.' 

"  *  On  that  account,'  I  remarked,  '  so  many  of  his 
brethren  hate  him.  Filicus  filicum  odit,  says  an  old 
Latin  proverb ;  to-day  it  runs,  ATedicus  medicum  odit, 
though  many  smile  like  augurs  when  they  meet  each 
other.' 

" '  Quite  my  opinion,'  added  the  Prince.  '  But 
Schweninger  is  not  accustomed  to  run  down  his  col- 
leagues; he  is  even  just  to  Pfarrer  Kneipp.  I  think 
it  very  nice  that  Bavarians  do  not  scratch  each  other's 
eyes  out.  The  Professor  has  already  told  me  about 
you,  and,  moreover,  I  read  your  Landszeitung.  I 
thank  you  especially  for  having  supported  my  doctor 
when  a  mean  clique  of  professors  and  their  press 
wanted  to  drive  him  out  of  Prussia.  From  the  distance 
I  heard  the  blows  which  you  laid  about  you — they  were 
quartes  and  cuts  !  You  were  also  the  very  first  editor 
who  took  my  part  after  my  dismissal.  You  described 
the  manner  in  which  my  wife  and  I  had  to  leave  our 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  123 

dwelling,  with  Bavarian  terseness  ;  your  words  sounded 
like  the  heavy  blows  of  a  blacksmith's  hammer.  I 
only  ask  you  to  spare  the  Emperor  a  little  more  ;  other- 
wise people  may  perhaps  believe  that  I  am  like  a 
resentful  bear  who  wanted  to  eat  honey,  but  fell  from 
the  branch,  which  had  been  sawn  through  in  a  cowardly 
fashion,  and  was  badly  stung  by  the  bees.  This  is  not 
the  case.  It  is  only  the  drones  that  sting  me,  and 
their  stings  no  longer  penetrate  my  skin,  therefore  I 
remain  perfectly  quiet,  and  feel  quite  at  home  in  my 
position  of  veteranus  emeritus  'procul  negotiis.  My  wife, 
however,  does  not  get  over  the  change  so  easily.  It  is 
a  characteristic  of  good  wives  that  they  feel  and  resent 
an  injury  to  their  husbands  much  more  than  they  them- 
selves do.  Women's  feelings  are  only  aroused  when 
we  have  regained  the  guiding-rope  which  seemed  to 
slip  out  of  our  hands.  My  dismissal  was  not  a  thing 
of  yesterday,  and  I  had  long  foreseen  it.  The  Emperor 
wishes  to  be  his  own  Chancellor,  to  order  and  direct, 
and  will  therefore  have  neither  a  mediator  (Chancellor) 
nor  an  intermediate  station,  where  the  horses  can  be 
taken  out,  fed,  or  even  changed,  between  himself  and 
his  ministers.  The  Emperor  himself  lives,  as  he  says, 
in  an  age  of  traffic.  But  even  there  a  great  difference 
exists.  A  railway  can  be  managed  either  commercially 
or  bureaucratically  ;  the  trains  run  on  iron  lines  which 
are  always  the  same  breadth,  and  the  service  is  carried 
out  in  a  workmanlike  and  mechanical  fashion  on  definite 
general  principles. 

"  '  But  this  is  not  the  case  as  regards  diplomacy  and 
politics.  It  is  easier  for  me  to  make  a  Secretaiy  of 
State  for  Home  and  Foreign  Affairs  out  of  an  editor — 


124    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

remember  Lotliar  Bucher— than  it  would  be  to  make 
a  clever  leading  editor  out  of  a  dozen  Privy  Coun- 
cillors.    A  general  may  certainly  be  the  civil  governor 
of  a  province,  but  one  can  hardly  become  a  diplomat, 
capable  of  guiding  a  great   empire  in  one's  old  age, 
unless  one  has  special  qualifications.     Diplomacy  is  no 
shoemaker's  stool  on  which  one  can  sit,  stretch  a  knee- 
strap,  and  put  a  patch  on  a  hole;  diplomacy  is  not  a 
craft  which  can  be  learnt  by  years  and  developed  by 
rote  on  a  roller.     Diplomacy  is   an   art.     Take   the 
politics  of  the  day.     Since  I  was  once  an  editor,  or 
rather  wrote  for  the  Kreuzeitung  when  I  was  a  deputy, 
I  do  not  speak  as  a  blind  man  about  colours,  but  as  a 
one-eyed  man  amongst  blind  men,  and  by  this  I  mean 
the  kind  of  Privy  Councillors  who  understand  every- 
think,  know  nothing,  and  can  do  nothing.     I  will  give 
you  a  whole  cart-load  of  these  Privy  Councillors,  jurists, 
theologians,  and  even   philologists,  all  of  them  with 
first-class    qualifications,   and    you  will   not  be   able 
to  make  more  out  of  them  than  a  man  who  compiles 
some  spiritless  local  paper  with  a  pair  of  scissors.     One 
must  possess  the  qualities  of  an  editor  who  thinks  for 
himself,  and  who  creates  and  writes  with  spirit  and 
force.     Practice  and  experience  certainly  improve  and 
tone  down  much,  and  even  imprisonment  is  part  of  a 
political  education.' 

" '  Now  your  Highness  is  getting  warm,'  I  remarked ; 
'and  I  must  say  with  Bliicher,  "He  intended  that 
for  me." ' 

"'Well,  yes.  You  are  none  the  worse  in  my  eyes 
for  having  been  in  prison.  I  have  been  there  too,  but 
not  for  so  long  a  time.     It  is  a  bad  wine  that  was  not 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  125 

once  a  fermenting  must.  What  was  not  Lothar  Bucher 
to  me!  Such  men  do  not  grow  on  the  wood  of  our 
Privy  Councillors.  He  was  like  an  organ — one  had  only 
to  touch  the  register,  and  it  played  by  itself  all  the 
chords  and  pieces  one  could  wish  for.  Bucher  was  a 
working-horse  without  equal.  When  he  was  tired  and 
ill,  it  was  always  "  a  good  horse  tries  again."  He  was 
worthy  of  a  different  position ;  but  he  was  not  always 
necessary  to  me,  and  so,  like  a  faithful  servant,  he 
yielded  to  his  master.  Do  you  know  Lothar  Bucher  ? ' 
asked  the  Prince. 

"  '  Oh  yes,  your  Highness ;  I  know  him  by  sight — 
the  little  Geheimrath  with  his  uncanny  silence.  Never- 
theless, he  has  spoken  a  few  more  words  to  me  than 
to  my  colleagues;  he  also  is  a  veteranus  meritus  in 
serviendo  consumptus! 

"  With  a  nod  of  assent  the  Prince  continued,  '  I  am 
glad  that  I  am  still  so  active  after  such  affairs.  To-day 
I  still  derive  pleasure  from  conversation  with  this  man, 
to-morrow  with  that,  especially  since  I  am  no  longer 
compelled  to  wear  a  muzzle.  I  have  been  a  minister 
for  many  years,  and  as  such  was  forced  to  be  silent 
about  many  things;  but  that  has  all  changed,  and 
now  I  am  free  to  say  what  I  please,  because  I  am  no 
longer  forced  to  remain  silent  by  binding  considerations. 
And  why  should  I,  of  all  people,  not  talk  ?  I  am  not 
so  old,  broken-down,  or  faint-hearted  that  I  should 
have  to  allow  myself  to  be  looked  after.  On  the  other 
hand,  I  feel  fresher  than  I  have  done  for  a  long  time. 
I  am  a  strong  man,  full  of  life,  and  feel  human;  this 
I  could  not  be  under  the  oppressive  tasks  of  responsible 
office.     I  am  really  right  glad  to  be   suddenly  freed 


126    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

from  the  daily  burden  of  care  and  work.  I  had  already 
begun  to  consider  myself  condemned  to  it  for  life,  when 
at  last  I  was  able  to  give  up  office.  What  I  myself  have 
often  wished  for  has  now  come  to  pass.  Bavaria  was 
always  a  favourite  abode  of  mine,  and  is  still  more  so 
now.  With  a  few  exceptions,  even  your  Bavarian  papers 
have  welcomed  me  to  your  country,  and  have  treated  me 
better  than  those  snapping  curs  in  the  ISTorth.' 

"  The  Prince  paused  here  and  wiped  his  forehead.  I 
permitted  myself  to  draw  his  attention  to  a  current 
rumour  which  reported  that  a  wide  and  unfathomable 
gulf  was  fixed  between  the  Emperor  and  his  former 
Chancellor,  and  that  this  difference  of  opinion  might 
lead  to 

"'The  Emperor,'  interrupted  Prince  Bismarck, 
'wished  to  create  his  own  policy.  He  is  young, 
takes  pleasure  in  work,  and  is  energetic.  There  is 
something  of  the  old  Eritz  in  him ;  but  he  must  make 
a  wise  use  of  it  nowadays.  I  am  not  in  his  way.  So 
far  as  I  know,  he  has  as  little  cause  to  be  annoyed 
with  me  as  I  with  him.  My  dismissal,  it  is  true,  ought 
to  have  come  about  differently,  and  certain  incidents 
connected  with  it  might  have  been  omitted.  Still,  as 
I  said,  the  tinder  is  extinguished,  and  my  peace-pipe 
draws,  though  my  enemies  do  not  see  any  rings  arising 
from  it.  As  I  said,  I  do  not  bear  the  Emperor  a  grudge, 
and  perhaps  the  Emperor  bears  me  none.  There  are 
indications  which  support  this.  Generally  speaking, 
my  successor  follows  the  policy  outlined  by  me;  for 
the  present  he  cannot  do  otherwise,  and  I  am  only 
afraid  that  he  does  not  possess  the  faculty  to  -withstand 
the   theoretical   influences  which  now  surround  even 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  127 

the  Emperor.  I  do  not  speak  of  the  pin-pricks  directed 
against  me — I  can  put  up  with  them ;  but,  I  must 
again  repeat,  I  held  Caprivi  to  be  cleverer  than  this. 
In  the  mean  time  I  will  say  nothing  more  about  it ; 
but  other  faults  have  been  committed  which  cause  me 
anxiety,  and  they  seem  to  have  something  in  view  which 
would  mean  a  break  away  from  my  long  and  labori- 
ously maintained  policy.  The  present  attempts  to  place 
me  in  hostile  opposition  to  Caprivi  are  the  products  of 
fear.  They  are  afraid  lest  I  should  return,  which  I 
have  certainly  no  thought  of  doing.  It  would  not  be 
at  all  agreeable  to  me ;  but  still,  I  cannot  allow  my 
right  to  say  a  free  word  and  express  my  own  opinion 
as  an  ordinary  citizen  to  be  curtailed,  least  of  all  by 
those  petty  professional  politicians — who  were  barely 
in  knickerbockers  when  I  was  already  engaged  in 
European  politics.  What  else  should  I  talk  of,  if  not 
of  those  politics  which  have  always  occupied  me,  an 
old  politician,  while  I  pursued  the  vocation  for  forty 
years  ?  Had  I  devoted  myself  chiefly  to  sport,  I  should 
talk  about  sport.  Thus  I  talk  of  politics,  though  it 
may  not  be  to  the  taste  of  the  "  chicken-hearts "  who 
fear  the  "coming"  Bismarck.  But  these  are  not  the 
only  ones  who  are  impudent  towards  me.  There  is 
another  kind — the  very  narrow-minded  ofiflce-hunters, 
who  introduce  themselves  into  higher  circles  in  igno- 
rance of  the  relation  between  the  Emperor  and  myself, 
and  who  think  they  can  curry  favour  there.  They  are 
as  much  on  the  wrong  track  as  those  who  wish  to 
make  the  Emperor  my  lasting  foe  by  their  impudent 
insinuations.  This,  however,  is  a  futile  task,  and  shows 
that  they  know  nothing  of  politics. 


128    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

" '  For  me  history  exists,  above  all,  in  order  that  some- 
thing may  be  learned  from  it.  Though  events  do  not 
recur,  conditions  and  characters  do,  and  by  watching 
and  studying  these  one  can  form  and  strengthen  one's 
mind.  I  have  learned  and  evolved  my  "  theory  "  from 
the  faults  of  my  predecessors  in  statecraft,  though  one 
ought  not  to  speak  of  it  in  that  sense,  for  there  is  no 
hard  and  fast  science  of  politics  any  more  than  there 
is  one  of  political  economy.  Only  professors  can  suc- 
ceed in  boxing  up  the  sum  of  the  changing  wants  of 
civilization  in  scientific  laws.  The  pupils  then  swear 
in  verba  magistri,  and  it  is  on  this  account  that 
Manchester  ideas  are  so  hard  to  drive  out  of  the  heads 
of  our  jurists  and  public  writers.  They  consider  adher- 
ence to  theoretical  axioms  to  be  political  consistency. 
Tliis  stupidity  goes  so  far  that  they  overlook  the  actual 
circumstances  and  urgent  points.  The  fathers  of 
modern  Political  Economy  are  English  clergymen 
(Adam  Smith  and  Malthus),  Jewish  bankers  (Eicardo 
and  Sismondi),  French  merchants  and  jurists  (Say  and 
Bastiat),  and  German  "  indoor  "  professors,  and  on  that 
account  our  agriculture  has  come  off  so  badly.  Our 
whole  political  economy  of  the  class-room  and  the 
press  is  a  political  economy  of  trade,  and  not  of  agri- 
culture as  well.  Now  that  the  oppressed  German 
peasantry  wakes  and  calls  for  liberation  from  its  un- 
just oppression,  official  political  economy  denies  its 
right,  and  talks  only  of  one-sided  private  interests, 
when  in  the  first  place  general  interests  are  at  stake. 
If  we  do  not  support  our  agriculture,  our  powers  of, 
resistance  will  be  ruined  in  the  same  measure  as  are 
our  powers  of  supply.     The  peasant  is  the  backbone  of 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  129 

our  army;  able  to  weather  hard  times,  he  is  bound 
up  with  the  country,  and  is  interested  in  maintain- 
ing the  same  if  only  by  the  instinct  of  self-preserva- 
tion. Town-dwellers  and  factory  hands  do  not  possess 
this  feeling  and  quality,  for  one  cannot  be  bound  up 
with  plaster  and  bricks,  which  are  not  organic  sub- 
stances. The  country  is  the  nation.  A  country  without 
peasants  is  like  a  King  John  Lackland.  Without 
peasants — no  State,  no  army.  The  peasant  is  the 
rock  on  which  the  phantom  ship  of  social  democracy 
will  be  wrecked,  just  as  the  army  is  the  wall  before 
which  the  trumpets  of  Jericho  will  be  sounded  in 
vain. 

"'This  must  be  made  clear  to  the  princes  in  par- 
ticular,' continued  Bismarck,  with  raised  voice,  'for 
they,  too,  are  mostly  Manchester  men  who  consult  the 
Stock-Exchange  list  rather  than  the  prices  of  produce.  It 
was  unfortunate  that,  with  the  introduction  of  modern 
constitutions,  our  princes  were  given  a  money  salary, 
and  were  thus  cut  off  from  their  intimate  connection 
with  the  peasantry,  from  whom  we  all,  strictly  speak- 
ing, are  descended.  If  our  princes  had  to  reckon  solely 
or  chiefly  on  the  receipts  from  their  domains,  it  would 
not  cost  our  agriculture  such  exertions  and  struggles 
to  get  its  rights. 

" '  As  it  is  with  the  princes,  so  it  is  with  officialdom, 
the  clergy  and  nobility,  or  at  least  with  part  of  it.  The 
officers  stand  closer  to  the  nation,  through  their  daily 
and  immediate  intercourse  with  the  sons  of  the  nation, 
than  do  the  leading  bureaucracy  and  clergy.  Even 
the  education  of  to-day  favours  estrangement  from  the 
people.    The  older  Catholic  clergy  seclude  their  younger 

K 


130    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

successors  as  in  a  monastery,  so  that  the  young  men 
enter  life  without  any  idea  of  what  it  is.  The  Uni- 
versity has  the  same  effect  owing  to  the  box-like 
division  of  students  into  corporations,  which  are  full 
of  one-sidedness  and  prejudice,  hatred,  and  prudery. 
Being  both  inwardly  and  outwardly  separated  from  the 
people,  they  think  of  nothing  but  appearances :  see 
how  the  clergy  attach  importance  to  outward  religion, 
pomp,  forms,  and  appearances.  And  the  youths  at  the 
universities  imitate  this;  fashions,  forms,  and  appear- 
ances threaten  to  stifle  all  inward  nature.  This  is 
shown  by  the  'chopping  boards'  which  so  many 
students  carry  on  their  faces,  and  of  which  they  are  as 
proud  as  Indians  of  their  tattooings.  In  my  time  we 
were  different  fellows;  besides  wearing  devices  on  our 
shields,  we  carried  ideals  in  our  hearts,  and  fought  with 
our  strength,  not  with  our  heads.  There  was  some 
meaning  in  it  when  we  sang  the  forbidden  song,  '  The 
old  shell  has  gone;  the  kernel  remains,  let  us  hold 
it  firm!"  Then  the  King  accompanied  the  artist — 
you  remember  your  Bavarian  sovereign,  Ludwig  I. — 
and  the  peasant's  son  for  squire.  To-day  the  son  of 
the  artisan  and  the  merchant,  if  he  wears  a  coloured 
cap  on  his  illustrious  head,  is  more  conceited  than  an 
exalted  squire.  Even  our  high  schools  educate  the 
people  wrongly;  to-day  every  one  wishes  to  be  a 
student,  and  what  do  they  study  ?  We  of  old  at  least 
learned  a  little  Latin,  and  knew  our  German  classics, 
but  what  do  they  learn  to-day  ?  This  is  the  cause  of 
their  overweening  self-conceit,  since  real  culture  does  not 
exist.  The  cavities  ' — here  the  Prince  tapped  his  brow 
— 'remain  empty  and  have  no  space  for  spontaneous 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  131 

thought  and  learning.  That  is  the  reason  why  so 
many  educated  people  repeat,  during  the  whole  of  their 
lives,  what  was  drilled  into  them  at  the  factory :  this 
is  particularly  noticeable  in  the  majority  of  our  officials. 
Do  you  think  that  a  Prussian  Privy  Councillor  ever 
allows  himself  to  be  driven  away  from  his  college 
books  ?  Our  old  district  magistrates,*  who  lived  in  their 
districts  all  their  lives  and  who  were  practical  farmers, 
knowing  everything  and  eveiybody  there,  were  quite 
different  men.  To-day  the  country  is  governed  by  un- 
practical theoreticians  and  inexperienced  of&ce-hunters, 
whose  submissiveness  is  the  only  gauge  by  which  the 
ruling  bureaucracy  measures  their  thoroughness  and 
utility.  In  this  respect  we  Prussians  are  much  worse 
off  than  you  Bavarians.  Although  some  of  your  clergy 
wish  to  drown  all  independent  feeling  in  the  nation 
with  the  holy-water  brush,  a  counterweight  is  afforded 
by  a  portion  of  the  old,  self-conscious,  popular,  and 
practically  trained  officials.  With  us  in  Prussia  every- 
body opens  and  shuts  his  eyes  in  emulation  for  the 
cornucojpia  of  the  Ministry  according  to  desire,  secundum 
ordinem  et  voluntatem. 

" '  A  portion  of  our  old  landed  nobility  still,  possesses 
some  backbone.  The  democratic  parties  may  censure 
squiredom  as  much  as  they  please,  but  what  are  its 
enemies  gradually  substituting  ?  A  monied  nobility,  as 
in  the  Eome  of  the  past,  the  Italy,  Spain,  and  Ireland 
of  the  present.  Even  we  Germans  have  such  a  monied 
aristocracy,  which  either  consumes  abroad  the  income 
derived  from  German  soil,  or  plays  the  foreigner  in 
Germany,  serving  foreign  interests  rather  than  home 

*  Landriite, 


132    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

ones.  I  have  nothing  to  say  against  opposition  to  these 
two  kinds  of  nobility,  for  they  are  as  useless  to  the 
country  as  the  landless  Court  nobility,  and  I  have  never 
wished  to  have  much  to  do  with  these  drones.  We 
must  "  keep  bees "  with  our  political  economy,  and 
preserve  the  working  bees  ;  this  alone  is  the  true  Con- 
servative State-supporting  policy.  The  wage-earning 
classes — above  all,  the  peasantry — must  be  maintained 
and  raised  administratively,  financially,  and  socially; 
this  is  the  only  true  social  policy.  That  which  your 
Jesuits  and  our  pastors  call  social  policy  is  only  a  pre- 
cipitate of  social-democratic  pains,  feelings,  and  longings, 
with  the  after-thought  of  assembling  a  black  bludgeon- 
guard  to  intimidate  the  thinking  and  independent 
citizen,  and  to  realize  their  worldly  lusts  of  hierarchy. 
The  workmen  will  not  then  be  grateful  to  them,  but 
will  dismiss  them  ;  these  clergymen  and  professors  only 
manage  the  business  affairs  of  social  democracy,  and 
they  will  suffer  the  same  fate  as  did  those  physiocrats 
of  the  former  century,  who  with  their  Latin  and  ideals 
of  Liberty  met  their  end  on  the  guillotine. 

" ' "  Hercules  at  the  parting  "  (of  the  ways)  is  the 
motto  of  to-day ;  on  the  one  side  you  have  this  social 
policy,  on  the  other  the  Manchester  free-trade  policy. 
There,  clad  in  a  clerical  surplice,  we  go  into  the  national 
plenipotentiary ;  here,  robed  in  the  white  burial  cloak 
of  the  Jews,  we  enter  the  courtyard  of  the  Jerusalem 
Temple. 

" '  The  German  Hercules  must  therefore  go  his  own 
way ;  he  must  maintain  and  strengthen  the  German 
earning  classes,  the  body  of  the  nation ;  this  must  be 
the  guiding  principle  of  our  home  policy.     Away  with 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  133 

looking  towards  the  theoretical  windmills,  which  can 
never  be  made  to  work,  since  they  are  designed  to  catch 
the  wind  from  all  quarters  at  one  time.  Some  such  toy- 
was  placed  on  the  Emperor's  writing-table ;  he  then 
convened  the  international  social  conference,  and  he  has 
already  perhaps  convinced  himself  of  its  uselessness. 
And  thus  it  will  be  with  other  things — his  preference 
for  England  among  them.  The  serious  part  of  it  is, 
that  the  repetition  of  such  experiments  damages  and 
mocks  the  very  best  national  elements,  and,  first  and 
foremost,  the  State  and  the  Monarchy,  whose  most 
reliable  and  almost  only  firm  support  is  made  to  waver. 
Struggle  with  all  your  force  against  such  disastrous 
tendencies,  and  thereby  you  will  render  the  best  service 
to  the  nation,  the  empire,  the  Emperor,  and,  not  last,  to 
your  own  country — Bavaria.  To  lay  stress  on  the  self- 
government  of  your  country  is  the  duty  of  all  honest 
and  intelligent  Bavarians,  and  I  attach  very  great 
importance  to  this,  because  of  the  prevailing  circum- 
stances. Political  education  will  prosper  better  under 
the  protection  of  this  independence  than  under  the 
guardianship  of  short-sighted  and  dependent  Prussian 
district  magistrates  who  possess  neither  land  nor 
money.  What  will  the  German  nation  come  to  if  the 
central  power  of  Berlin  increases  to  an  autocracy  in  the 
absence  of  opposition  ?  A  counter-influence  to  this 
threatening  development  must  be  created  by  a  self-con- 
scious nation ;  for  a  nation  of  thinkers  is  but  small,  and 
smaller  still  is  a  nation  of  thinkers-aloud.  Everybody 
sighs  for  "gracious"  acknowledgments  or  "gracious" 
kicks.  There  are  even  princes  of  ancient  lineage  who 
do  not  belong  to  the  vertebrate  order.    I  should  not 


134    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

like  to  include  therein  your  old  master,  the  Prince 
Eegent.  I  am  certainly  a  grateful  subject  of  your 
Eegent,  and  honour  him  greatly  for  his  sincerity  and 
favour  to  me,  likewise  his  predecessor.  King  Ludwig  II., 
and  it  is  just  on  this  account  that  I  do  not  wish  the 
Wittelsbachs  to  play  the  part  of  the  postilion  who  only 
whistled  the  old  tune  of  opportunities  missed.  At  one 
tune  King  Ludwig  I.  had  nearly  the  whole  of  young 
Germany  full  of  enthusiasm  at  his  back,  when  he  culti- 
vated the  Teuton  spirit  and  courage  of  truth  in  his 
country,  as  well  as  the  arts.  All  that  has  been  forgotten 
to-day,  unfortunately,  but  the  Prussian  archives  still 
bear  witness  to  the  fear  inspired  by  this  Prince  and 
King,  which  lasted  so  long  as  he  allowed  the  free  ex- 
pression of  German  opinion  ;  when  that  was  suppressed, 
the  political  importance  of  the  King  outside  his  countr}'- 
fell,  and  Bavaria  went  to  the  dogs  in  company  with  the 
German  confederation.  What  part  might  not  Bavaria 
play  even  to-day  in  the  German  nation,  in  the  German 
Federal  Council,  if  she  only  possessed  suitable  men ! 
But  it  is  better  to  allow  them  to  make  "  Hammelburg 
Tours." '  * 

"  The  Prince  stood  up,  and  I  thought  he  was  about  to 
conclude  and  dismiss  me,  but  he  explained  that  he 
merely  wanted  to  place  himself  more  comfortably  on 
the  '  rack.' 

" '  Many  men  have  already  discussed  my  political 
principles.  The  professors  and  the  devotees  in  the 
papers  are  unceasingly  sorry  that  I  have  not  revealed  to 
them  a  symbol  of  the  principles  by  which  I  regulated 
my  policy.  Since  they  have  only  just  grown  out  of  the 
*  An  allusion  to  an  old  work  by  von  Lang. 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  135 

political  nursery,  the  Germans  cannot  accustom  them- 
selves to  consider  politics  as  a  science  of  possibilities, 
as  my  intimate  opponent,  Pius  IX.,  rightly  styled  it. 
Politics  are  neither  mathematics  nor  arithmetic;  in 
politics  one  certainly  has  to  reckon  with  given  and 
unknown  quantities  at  one  and  the  same  time,  but  there 
are  no  formulae  or  rules  from  which  the  solution  may  be 
deducted  in  advance.  I  have,  therefore,  not  adhered  to 
the  opinions  and  methods  of  other  statesmen,  but  have 
rather  taken  warning  by  their  errors  in  calculation. 
Napoleon  I.  was  ruined  because  he  relied  on  his  military 
successes  and  commenced  hostilities  with  every  state, 
instead  of  maintaining  peace.  Fortune  in  war  made 
him  arrogant  and  anxious  to  fight.  His  great  plan  fell 
to  pieces  after  a  short  existence,  because  he  did  not 
exercise  the  first  virtue  of  the  statesman — wise  modera- 
tion after  the  greatest  successes — towards  the  other 
nations,  and  thereby  involved  Europe  in  one  war  after 
another,  whereas  I  endeavoured  to  maintain  peace  after 
1871.  And  I  not  only  placed  myself  in  definite 
opposition  to  Napoleon  I.,  but  also  to  Napoleon  III. 
The  latter  certainly  only  endeavoured  to  imitate  the 
more  favourable  side  of  his  uncle ;  but  by  always  trying 
to  obtain  something  for  himself  in  playing  the  part 
of  an  "honest  broker,"  he  fell  into  the  habit  of  that 
Italian  diplomat  of  the  past  century  who  confused 
cunning  with  falseness.  I  played  my  cards  out 
straight;  I  exposed  the  would-be  cunning  with  the 
striking  truth.  That  they  often  did  not  believe  me,  and 
then  afterwards  felt  hard  hit  and  disappointed,  was  not 
my  fault. 
"  '  My  policy  is  characterized  by  yet  another  contrast 


136    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

which  refers  to  German  home  policy,  whilst  the  two 
former  principles  were  chiefly  concerned  with  foreign 
policy  by  recognized  effect,  thus  confirming  the  old 
saying,  honesty  is  the  best  policy.  This  principle  is 
also  inseparable  from  the  third  contrast.  The  adherents 
of  the  national  movement  in  Germany  were  in  so  far 
dishonest,  because  they  aimed  at  a  united  realm  and 
one  empire,  while  they  really  wished  to  sweep  away  all 
thrones  and  dynasties.  The  German  princes,  who  were, 
moreover,  not  taken  with  the  movement,  opposed  it  with 
greater  hostility,  for  they  thought  that  their  existence 
was  thereby  threatened.  In  order  to  steer  the  move- 
ment out  of  this  irremediable  conflict,  another  way  had 
to  be  chosen,  and  it  was  found  by  adhering  to  the 
historical  development  of  the  last  ten  centuries,  instead 
of  by  a  revolutionary  and  total  change.  It  was  above 
all  essential  to  win  my  Eoyal  Master  over  to  the 
national  cause,  which,  with  some  difficulty,  I  succeeded 
in  doing,  for  my  old  master  was  sometimes  very  cautious 
and  anxious. 

" '  For  instance,  he  thought  of  abdicating  in  1862, 
when  the  Prussian  Diet  offered  violent  opposition,  and  he 
would  have  come  to  terms  with  Napoleon  in  1870  if  I 
had  not  placed,  so  to  say,  a  fait  accompli  before  the 
King  by  the  adroit  reading  of  the  Ems  despatch,  thus 
saddling  the  odium  of  the  war  on  the  French.  Yes ! 
the  King  was  sometimes  very  difficult  to  deal  with,  and 
would  either  procrastinate  or  refuse  altogether.  Never- 
theless, an  understanding  on  the  German  question  was 
successfully  achieved,  for  I  allayed  the  King's  doubts  by 
endeavouring  to  maintain  the  old  historical  dynasties  in 
Germany,  and  with  it  to  conduct  the  national  movement 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  137 

at  length  to  the  most  acceptable  goal.  Countries  with  a 
long  past,  a  history  of  self-development,  and  a  justified 
possibility  of  existence,  such  as  Bavaria,  Wiirtemberg, 
Baden,  and  Saxony,  may  easily  be  wiped  out  on  the  map, 
but  the  actual  attempt  would  not  result  happily.  Nor  did 
I  see  any  reason  why  one  should  grudge  these  countries 
their  old  established  self-government,  under  which  they 
were  contented.  It  sufficed  that  the  Kings  of  Bavaria, 
Wiirtemberg,  Saxony,  etc.,  should  cede  as  much  of 
their  rights  as  was  necessary  to  found  the  German 
Empire,  having  regard  to  justifiable  traditions  and 
demands.  Any  other  method  would  not  have  been 
successful,  and  I  did  not  wish  for  one.  In  many 
instances  my  countrymen,  the  Crown  Prince  Frederick 
William  in  particular,  wished  to  go  further ;  but  I  was 
successful.  I  had,  though,  work  enough  to  moderate 
their  appetites.  Only  Hanover  and  the  Elector  of  Hesse 
proved  absolutely  intractable,  and  their  removal  was  an 
imperative  duty  if  Germany  was  to  advance  at  all. 
Apart  from  the  German  national  movement,  a  State  of 
the  magnitude  and  importance  of  Prussia  could  not 
tolerate  two  enemies,  encamped  between  its  western 
and  eastern  provinces,  and  always  able  to  threaten  it 
from  the  rear.  These  two  enemies  had  to  be  removed. 
The  other  dynasties  were  gained  over,  and  at  last  I 
obtained  their  full  confidence,  because  they  understood 
my  straightforward  and  at  the  same  time  moderate 
policy. 

"I  enjoyed  the  particular  favour  of  the  late  King 
Ludwig  II.  We  corresponded  on  important  political 
affairs  until  the  last  years  of  his  life,  and  he  was  as 
amiable  towards  me  in  expressing  his  views  as  he  was 


138    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

witty  regarding  the  various  matters  in  question.    After 
the  correspondence  which  he  carried  on  with  me,  I  could 
by  no  means    think    him   wanting  in  intellect — no, 
certainly  not.     I  first  heard  of  that  through  the  papers. 
On  principle,  I  never  concerned  myself  with  the  domestic 
affairs  of  Bavaria,  for  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  ministerial 
crises  and  changes.     It  is  true  that  in  the  unfortunate 
month  of  1886  when  the  catastrophe  was  approaching, 
I  was  informed  of  the  state  of  affairs  by  the  aide-de- 
camp.   Count    Dlirckheim,   by  means   of   a  telegram 
handed  in  at  Eeutte  in  the  Tyrol,  when  my  assistance, 
so  to  say,  the  assistance  of  the  Empire,  was  evoked  for 
the  King.     I  telegraphed  back  to  the  count  in  Tyrol, 
"His   Majesty  should   at   once  go  to  Munich,   show 
himself  to  his  people,  and  represent  his  own  interests 
before  the  assembled  Diet."     I  calculated  thus :  either 
the  King  is  well  and  will  then  follow  my  advice,  or  he 
is  really  ill  and  will  not  lay  aside  his  shyness  of  publicity. 
The  King  did  not  go  to  Munich;  he  arrived  at  no  decision, 
he  had  no  longer  any  will  or  mental  force,  and  allowed 
fate  to   approach  him.     My  old  master    was  deeply 
affected  by  the  King's  fate.     That  King  Ludwig  found 
so  much  love  and  devotion  in  his  last  days  and  after 
his  deposition,  is  the  most  honourable  testimonial  for 
the  loyal  Bavarians.     A  correct  decision  was  also  not 
easy  for  the  nation,  and  on  that  account  I  excused  you 
and  the  other  Bavarian  editors  who  at  that  time  gave 
expression  to  a  popular  feeling  hostile  to  the  Govern- 
ment, and   had  consequently  to  pay  heavily  for  your 
courage  with  fines  and  imprisonment.     But  after  the 
matter  had  been  cleared  up  and  the  general  excitement 
allayed,  it  would  have  been  an  unparalleled  injustice  on 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  139 

the  part  of  those  loyal  Eoyalist  editors  if  they  had  wished 
to  continue  offending  the  Prince  Eegent,  a  thoroughly 
honest  and  benevolent  Prince,  against  their  better  know- 
ledge. I  am  glad  that  you,  who  once  headed  the 
opposition  against  the  ministers,  have,  after  calm 
consideration,  become  convinced  that  it  was  only  right 
to  stand  by  your  Prince  Eegent.  Any  hostility  to  the 
latter  would  be  a  grievous  wrong,  for  things  had  to 
happen  as  they  have  happened.  The  King  had  really 
become  mad  and  incapable  of  ruling.  His  conduct  in 
the  face  of  my  telegram  must  prove  that  to  every 
sane  man. 

"  The  various  accusations,  that  I  had  had  a  hand  in 
the  changes  of  Bavarian  ministers  by  retaining  one 
minister  against  the  wish  of  the  King,  or  by  preventing 
the  appointment  of  another,  are  too  ridiculous  and 
stupid.  Nay,  the  suspicion  has  even  been  expressed 
that  I  had  helped  to  prepare  the  catastrophe  of  1886, 
and  that  it  had  been  put  into  execution,  after  I  had 
previously  given  my  consent,  by  my  special  advice 
because  the  King  stood  in  my  way.  How  foolishly  the 
papers  write  sometimes,  without  any  knowledge  or 
consideration  of  actual  circumstances  !  The  King  placed 
every  confidence  in  me,  and  even  asked  my  advice  in 
1876,  when  he  wished  to  replace  Lutz's  ministry  by  an 
ultramontane  one  under  Franckenstein.  But  the  tall 
Arbogast  did  not  consider  himself  or  his  party  qualified 
or  called  upon  to  direct  the  affairs  of  Bavaria,  and  there- 
fore did  not  say  even  one  word  about  it  to  them.  Lutz 
thus  retained  his  office,  and  held  it  till  the  end  of  his  life. 
Another  minister  would,  perhaps,  have  been  more  agree- 
able to  me,  for  it  was  Lutz  who  helped  to  introduce  the 


140    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

Kulturkampf  with  Holienlolie,  and  then  gave  shelter 
and  office  in  Bavaria  to  the  clerics  expelled  from  Prussia. 
A  Franckenstein  ministry  would  have  suited  me  better, 
since  the  incapacity  of  the  clerical  regime  for  government 
would  speedily  have  shown  itself  again,  and  it  must  be 
acknowledged  that  Lutz's  ministry  had  the  most  difficult 
and  dangerous  problem  to  solve  in  1886.  The  same 
gravediggers  who  would  like  to  bury  the  healthy 
Bismarck  of  to-day,  were  then  at  work  to  drown  the 
sick  King  in  a  bog  of  printer's  ink.  The  "snapping 
curs  "  never  rested.  At  last  a  decisive  action  had  to 
follow  a  long  and  wavering  reflection  in  order  to  main- 
tain the  authority  of  the  Government.  The  greatest 
courage  was  necessary  for  this,  owing  to  the  character 
of  the  Bavarian  nation,  which  adheres  with  ancient 
loyalty  to  its  Eoyal  House,  and  possesses  great  scope 
for  national  idiosyncrasies.  Minister  Lutz  then  proved 
himself  to  be  a  clever,  thorough,  and  courageous  states- 
man. But  for  the  future  the  men  of  the  Bavarian 
nation  must  take  care  that  they  have  a  guarantee  for 
their  German  character  in  the  present  frame  of  their 
self-government.  This  they  must  firmly  maintain,  for 
it  is  also  best  for  the  Empire  and  the  German  nation. 

"  '  The  maintenance  of  the  Bavarian  character  and  in- 
dependence seems  of  importance  to  me  for  another  reason, 
which  belongs  as  much  to  the  development  in  the  future 
as  in  the  past.  The  Bavarians  form  the  natural  link 
with  Austria,  for 'the  Germans  in  Austria  are  people  of 
real  Bavarian  race.  One  cannot  foretell  how  affairs 
will  shape  in  the  East";  it  depends  too  much  on  the 
personality  of  those  who  rule  in  Vienna  and  Buda  Pest. 
For  the  present  the  preservation  of  Austria  is  a  question 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  141 

of  life  or  death  to  us.  I  am  thinking  less  of  a  war  with 
Eussia  than  of  peace  in  Europe.  I  sought  to  maintain 
peace,  and  for  the  sake  of  this  great  object  I  avoided 
matters  which  would  have  given  cause  for  conflicts  to 
excited  and  excitable  politicians.  Thus  I  ignored  the 
boastings  of  the  vain  Eussian  chancellor,  Gortschakoff, 
who  claimed  that  he  had  prevented  us  from  declaring 
another  war  with  France ;  I  allowed  him  to  chatter. 
We  wage  no  war  with  France  or  Eussia  without  urgent 
necessity.  I  willingly  concede  to  France  her  successes 
in  Asia  (Tonkin)  and  Africa.  If  that  does  not  please 
the  English,  let  them  settle  with  France.  And  if  the 
development  of  Eussia  in  Asia  does  not  please  the 
English,  let  them  settle  with  Eussia.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that,  owing  to  the  disappointment  which  will  result 
from  his  friendship  with  England,  our  Emperor  will 
depart  from  the  unhappy  custom  of  the  German  Princes 
of  playing  the  thankless  part  of  the  good-natured  crane 
for  the  wolf,  John  Bull,  by  carrying  on  wars  on  the 
continent  in  the  interests  of  England.  When  we  were 
in  trouble,  England  took  the  side  of  our  enemies  and 
sought  to  do  business  with  both  parties.  Therefore, 
if  England  is  placed  between  the  Gallic  horse  and 
the  Eussian  elephant,  we  Germans  will  not  inter- 
fere with  the  great  fire  fork,  but  will  peacefully  look 
on  at  the  starched  lord  being  squeezed  till  he  cries  to 
Heaven. 

" '  But  what  should  vje  seek  with  Eussia  or  in  Eussia  ? 
If  we  were  to  actually  conquer  it,  we  would  only  regain 
our  turbulent  Polish  neighbours,  who  are  as  little  suited 
for  an  independent  State-organism  as  are  the  Jews  of 
to-day  for  a  new  realm  of  Judsea.     Nothing  is  to  be  got 


142    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

from  Eussia.  Germany  itself  is  enough  for  us.  We 
are  sated.  One  must  never  forget  that  the  greater  the 
empire  the  more  difficult  it  is  to  maintain,  and  the 
more  easy  to  crumble  away.  For  this  reason  we  did 
not  infringe  on  Austrian  territory  in  1866,  and  later 
on  stress  was  laid  on  the  undiminished  maintenance  of 
our  eastern  neighbour.  Germany  must  never  inter- 
fere in  the  domestic  affairs  of  Austria.  The  Germans 
in  Austria  will  not  perish;  they  have  only  to  help 
themselves ;  they  must  do  as  the  Slavs,  the  Czechs,  and 
the  Hungarians  do,  and  must  march  under  one  and  the 
same  flag  and  countersign.  To  "  march  divided  "  and 
"  fight  united "  is  certainly  a  proved  rule,  but  only 
under  a  uniform  command,  such  as  that  of  Moltke's. 
But  if  the  Ultramontanes  force  their  way  to  the  leader- 
ship among  the  Germans,  I  shall  know  beforehand 
that  their  aim  is  not  for  the  union  of  the  Germans,  but 
for  their  separation  and  weakening.  That  is  the  object 
of  the  whole  Ultramontane  policy ;  it  is  democratic  in 
France,  republican  in  Italy,  "social-Christian,"  or,  if 
more  convenient,  social  democratic  in  black,  in  Germany, 
feudal- Czech  in  Austria ;  it  will  even  become  anti- 
Semitic,  so  that  it  may  deceitfully  introduce  itself  to  the 
Jews  as  their  saviour.  In  Austria  the  Germans  have 
been  "big  Michaels,"  instead  of  being  really  German 
and  only  German,  though  they  have  been  everything 
else — Liberal,  Clerical,  Jewish,  or  International.  The 
German  Liberals  in  Austria  are  above  all  to  blame  for 
having  become  a  minor  party  after  being  a  governing 
one.  They  have  been  neither  truly  German  nor  truly 
Liberal.  From  a  political  point  of  view,  they  have 
neither  acted  with  wisdom   or   with  tact,   and  from 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  143 

an  economic  point  of  view  they  have  fallen  to  the  level 
of  haJcsheesh.  In  Parliament  and  in  their  press,  which 
was  a  power  in  the  Empire,  they  have  hinted  at  objects, 
formulated  demands,  passed  criticisms,  and  offered  re- 
sistance, which  must  have  repelled  the  Emperor  Francis 
Joseph,  and  forced  him  to  determine  on  seeking  a  fresh 
support  in  Parliament.  He  could  find  no  other  except 
the  Conservative-Slav  coalition.  The  German  Liberals 
made  the  mistake  of  forgetting  that  the  best  guardian 
of  German  rights  would  be  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph 
in  his  quality  as  a  German  Prince.  To  a  certain  degree 
they  have  disputed  this  function  of  the  Emperor  by 
striving  to  found  Teutonism — but  not  the  really  popular 
Teutonism — as  a  Parliamentary  monopoly.  In  my 
opinion  the  Emperor  could  not  enter  on  such  factious 
plans  of  opposition  and  government,  for  the  interests 
of  his  Empire  and  dynasty  forbade  it.  The  Germans  in 
Austria  may  perhaps  have  learned  something  in  the 
course  of  time ;  the  great  majority  of  the  Austrian 
nobles  will  never  learn  anything  more.  Again,  the 
Czechs  repeat  the  faults  of  the  Germans  in  demanding 
too  much,  and  the  Emperor  will  thus  turn  from  their 
unbounded  desires  and  form  another  majority  among 
the  national  representatives. 

*' '  It  is,  of  course,  not  always  certain  that  the  Emperor 
and  his  statesmen  will  be  able  to  continue  with  a  non- 
German  majority  for  long.  Those  elements  which  are 
deficient  in  capacity  for  statecraft  generally  become 
boundlessly  impudent,  shameless,  covetous,  and  self- 
seeking,  and -must  be  either  bent  or  broken.  This  is 
the  reason  why  the  Turk  is  the  only  possible  master  in 
Turkey.     Europe  considers  the  Sultan  sick,  but  I  think 


144    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

him  a  diplomat  far  above  all  others  at  the  Golden 
Horn;  I  think  that  he  is  underestimated,  and  that  the 
Turks  are  very  far  from  quitting  Europe.  The  Moham- 
medan creed  has  a  good  moral,  is  simple  and  inexpensive, 
and  its  method  of  educating  the  young  is  in  many  ways 
better  than  the  Christian. 

" '  From  what  one  can  see  and  hear,  the  Bulgarians  in 
the  Balkan  States  appear  to  contain  a  state-creative 
and  state-maintaining  element.  They  are  a  thorough, 
industrious,  and  economical  nation,  and  cultivate  slow 
and  cautious  progress.  They  respect,  support,  and 
defend  themselves,  and  please  me  better  than  theu* 
Servian  neighbours,  who  display  an  effervescing  and 
nettled  nature,  a  rather  too  Southern  temperament. 
Prince  Ferdinand  is  no  doubt  more  capable  than  most 
other  princes,  and  than  the  comic  papers  represent  him 
to  be  ;  but  he  is  unfortunately  surrounded  by  too  many 
questionable  persons — and,  do  what  he  will,  he  cannot 
possibly  have  them  all  hanged.  Of  course,  rascals  like 
Major  Panizza  must  be  hanged — that  is  a  matter  of 
absolute  necessity.  The  Bosnians  were  really  poor 
when  they  were  united  with  Austria,  but  they  appear 
now  to  be  getting  on.  The  military  dictatorship,  which 
they  had  to  substitute  for  civilian  bureaucracy,  acts 
with  firmness  and  severity,  clemency  and  justice.  Their 
economic  circumstances  are  improving,  railways  and 
roads  are  being  constructed,  and  the  State  finances  are 
favourable.  Civilization  progresses,  and  Austria  does 
her  duty  there.  Montenegro,  on  the  other  hand,  is  not 
particularly  sympathetic  to  me.  The  Montenegrins  I 
have  seen  are  big  men,  but  I  could  find  no  pleasure  in 
their  stubborn  and  truculent  demeanour  and  peculiarly 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  145 

unpleasant  expression.  The  Eussians  can  read  the 
Montenegrin  writing,  but  the  Slavs,  perhaps,  have 
difficulty  in  understanding  each  other's  languages  and 
dialects.  It  would,  therefore,  not  have  been  so  difficult 
for  Austria  to  Germanize  its  Slavs  if  she  had  understood 
her  German  functions  earlier.  I  call  to  mind  the 
Slavonic  Congress  at  Moscow,  where  the  delegates  had 
to  speak  German  in  order  to  make  themselves  under- 
stood. Thanks  to  its  size,  and  its  inherent  attractive 
force,  Eussia  has  more  capacity  for  assimilating  the 
southern  Slavonic  nations.  Germany  has  no  direct 
interest  in  any  of  these  Slavonic  nations  of  the  South 
with  the  exception  of  Austria,  and  if  Eussia  could  take 
Constantinople  there  would  be  no  reason  for  our 
preventing  it.  The  policy  of  Germany  cannot  be 
pledged  in  regard  to  Bulgaria.  The  Bulgarians  must 
and  can  help  themselves  as  time  passes,  if  only  they 
maintain  a  strong  government  with  unbroken  peace, 
and  do  not  fall  from  one  extreme  into  another.  A 
ruler  like  the  Battenberger,  although  a  good  soldier, 
was  certainly  not  strong  enough  for  a  position  of  such 
exceptional  difficulty.  We  were,  therefore,  unable  at 
the  time  to  found  a  dynasty  out  there  with  a  German 
Princess,  in  accordance  with  the  wish  of  the  Queen  of 
England  and  the  Bulgarian  statesmen.  Had  we  done 
so,  under  existing  circumstances,  we  should  then  have 
assumed  the  duty  of  taking,  to  a  certain  degree,  the  bride 
and  bridegroom  under  our  political  protection.  Such 
a  responsibility  and  sacrifice  could  not  be  expected  from 
the  German  people,  because,  of  course,  they  had  no 
direct  interest  in  Bulgaria.  The  Prince  should  have 
married  some  Eussian  Princess — there  are  plenty  of 

L 


146    Conversations  with   Prince  Bismarck 

them — or  a  Duchess  of  Leuchtenburg.  We  could  not 
send  a  German  princess  to  an  incomplete  and  insecure 
position.  That  which  afterwards  occurred  proved  me 
to  be  in  the  right.  It  is,  moreover,  difficult  to  under- 
stand why  the  Battenberger  withdrew  immediately 
after  he  had  been  brought  back  in  triumph.  The  evil 
memory  of  that  night  on  which  he  was  kidnapped 
and  sent  away,  must  have  retained  its  hold  on  his 
thoughts.  When  those  few  rascally  officers  and  cadets 
forced  their  way  into  his  room,  he  should  have  taken 
the  precaution  to  have  a  powder-cask  before  him,  and 
should  have  threatened,  fuze  in  hand,  to  set  it  alight — 
the  whole  of  the  miserable  company  would  then  have 
fled.  The  Battenberger  was  no  statesman ;  he  was  not 
suited  for  that  throne,  and  a  German  Princess  even 
less  so.  In  short,  we  Germans  have  only  one  interest 
at  stake  in  the  East  and  South-East,  and  that  is  the 
preservation  and  future  of  Austria  -  Hungary.  Our 
policy  there  must  be  restricted  to  that  object. 

" '  It  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that  so  many  Hungarian 
peasants  in  Hungary  grow  poor  and  emigrate ;  there  is 
more  than  enough  good  arable  soil  for  them  there,  and 
besides,  the  Slowaks  are  a  good-tempered  agricultural 
people,  who  might  easily  be  Magyarized,  and  should  not 
be  allowed  to  perish.  The  Saxons  of  Transylvania  have 
always  been  a  deserving  race,  the  best  Germans  of 
Hungary.  The  Croats,  too,  are  well  developed  physically 
and  morally,  they  always  were  among  the  best  soldiers, 
and  are  a  useful  people  in  other  ways;  but  none  of 
these  nations  will  survive  one  thing — the  remarkable 
and  rapidly  spreading  pauperization  of  their  peasantry. 
A  statesman  should  realize  that  the  peasants  must  have 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  147 

their  own  holdings,  and  the  preservation  of  their  class 
— administratively  free  and  independent — must  become 
the  aim  of  the  Hungarian  State,  for  it  stands  higher 
than  the  value  of  mortmain,  let  people  call  it  what  they 
will.  The  Hungarians  have  statesman-like  men,  and  it 
is  to  be  hoped  that  they  will  find  a  minister  who 
will  cut  through  this  knot  if  he  cannot  untie  it.  But 
the  Hungarians  must  on  no  account  delay  too  long,  or 
else  patriotism  will  lose  itself  in  pauperism.  The  same 
applies  to  Germany  also.  "We  too  have  sufficient 
politicians,  both  Eed  and  Black,  to  whom  an  economi- 
cally well-situated  peasantry  is  not  agreeable,  since  it  is 
opposed  to  the  objects  of  their  rule.  The  poorer  the 
peasants  the  more  abject  and  characterless  they  are. 
Where  the  peasants  remain  well  to  do,  there  more 
personal  and  political  independence  is  to  be  found. 
When  the  peasant  owns  property,  he  sings  and  dances, 
and  this  the  bigots  will  not  tolerate;  they  wish  to 
subdue  light-heartedness  and  the  social  intercourse  of 
the  sexes,  to  emasculate  the  spirit  of  the  people  and 
make  them  stupid — this  has  always  been  the  aim  of  the 
zealots  and  Pharisees.' " 


Fkiedeichsruh 
January  5,  1891 

(Narrated  by  Max  Bewer  *) 

One  evening  in   January,  1891,    the    conversation 
eventually  turned  on  the  various  philosophic  systems. 
*  Hamburger  Korrespondent,  January,  1891, 


148    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

"  Hegel/'  observed  the  Prince,  "  was  taught  every- 
where in  my  time,  but  I  only  acquired  enough  know- 
ledge of  him  for  my  examination.  I  am  not  conscious 
of  any  inward  impression  made  on  me,  for  as  I  gradually 
became  a  jurist  by  beer-drinking  and  the  duelling- 
ground,  the  contemplation  of  natural  life  has  influenced 
me  more  than  did  the  philosophers.  With  this 
natural  tendency,  I  felt  myself  drawn  to  Spinoza  rather 
than  to  Hegel.  Hegel  really  thought  first  of  all  of  his 
audience,  in  order  to  be  able  to  lecture  on  something. 
In  comparison  with  Spinoza,  he  worked  on  cultivated 
soil,  whilst  Spinoza's  thoughts  grew  immediately  out  of 
nature.  With  the  aid  of  German  books,  I  studied 
Spinoza  in  the  Latin  text.  He  was  an  aristocratic  Jew, 
for  the  Dutch  Jews  were  chiefly  recruited  from  the 
Portuguese  Jewish  nobility." 

"  Your  Highness,"  observed  Bewer,  "  like  the  author 
of  Bemhrandt  als  Erzieher,  recognizes  a  nobility  of 
Jewry  ? " 

"  Certainly,"  replied  the  Prince.  "  The  Jews  are  the 
most  tenacious  race,  even  more  so  than  the  Poles." 

In  reply  to  a  query  as  to  whether  Spinoza's  pan- 
theistic philosophy  had  had  any  influence  on  him, 
Bismarck  replied,  "  Christianity  has  had  a  much,  much 
greater  one,  the  greatest.  I  have  not  been  quite  able  to 
get  through  Kant,"  he  continued.  "What  he  says 
about  morality,  especially  about  the  Categorical  Impera- 
tive, is  very  beautiful ;  but  I  live  for  choice,  without 
the  sense  of  the  Imperative.  I  have,  moreover,  never 
lived  according  to  principles ;  when  I  have  had  to  act, 
I  have  never  asked  myself, '  According  to  what  principles 
are  you  now  going  to  act  V    I  set  to  work,  rather,  and 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  149 

did  what  I  considered  good,  and  I  have  often  been 
reproached  with  having  no  principles." 

On  being  reminded  of  a  letter*  which  he  wrote  in 
reply  to  such  a  representation,  the  Prince  smiled,  and 
said  that  he  would  have  preferred  the  letter  to  remain 
unpublished ;  he  had  received  many  similar  letters  from 
other  friends,  and  especially  from  his  old  acquaintance 
Senfft-Pilsach. 

"  In  my  youth  I  often  discussed  with  a  philosophi- 
cally minded  cousin,  who  would  have  liked  to  '  mother ' 
me,  as  to  whether  I  must  adopt  principles  or  not.  At 
last  I  said  to  her,  and  our  differences  came  therewith 
at  once  to  an  end,  *  If  I  am  to  go  through  life  with 
certain  given  principles,  it  seems  to  me  as  if  I  had  to 
pass  through  a  narrow  forest  track,  holding  a  long  pole 
in  my  mouth.' " 

♦  "  I  am  heartily  sorry  if  I  am  the  cause  of  annoyance  to  believing 
Christians,  but  I  am  certain  that  that  cannot  be  avoided  in  my 
profession.  I  will  not  discuss  the  fact  that  there  are  among  my 
opponents  many  Christians,  who  are  doubtless  far  in  advance  of 
me  on  the  road  to  salvation,  and  with  whom  I  still  have  to  live 
in  disagreement  on  account  of  that  which  is  earthly  on  both  sides. 
...  Is  the  man  who  will  not  cause  wrath  just  or  unjust  under 
such  circumstances  ?  .  .  .  Would  to  God  that,  beyond  that  which  is 
known  to  the  world,  I  had  not  other  things  on  my  conscience  for 
which  I  hope  for  forgiveness,  trusting  only  to  the  Blood  of  Christ. 
.  .  .  You  see  by  the  circumstantiality  of  my  reply  that  I  by  no 
means  endeavour  to  excuse  myself.  I  rely  on  your  friendship  and 
Christian  judgment,  that  you  will  recommend  caution  and  mercy  to 
the  critic  on  future  occasions;  all  of  us  are  in  need  thereof.  If, 
amongst  the  multitude  of  sinners,  I  hope  that  God's  grace  will  not 
take  away  the  staff  of  a  humble  faith,  with  which  I  seek  to  find  my 
path,  even  from  me  in  the  dangers  and  doubts  of  my  calling,  such 
confidence  shall  make  me  neither  hard  of  hearing  the  censure  of 
friends  nor  angry  against  unloving  and  haughty  criticism. 

"  In  haste,  yours, 

"  V.  Bismarck." 


I50    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

Bismarck  characterized  Major  Wissmann  as  a  "  whole 
man."  "When  Wissmann  asked  for  what  special  in- 
structions I  had  to  give  him  when  he  was  going  to 
Africa  for  us,  I  replied,  'The  only  instruction  I  give 
you  is  this.  Draw  the  bills  of  responsibility  on  me; 
I  will  accept  all.'  I  have  unlimited  confidence  in 
Wissmann.  Twice  he  traversed  the  Black  Continent, 
and  each  time  the  man  returned  with  a  '  white  waist- 
coat.' He  has  never  created  difficulties  for  himself  or 
us.  The  sword-knot  at  his  side  gives  me  a  further 
guarantee  for  him.  If  he  were  to  get  into  difficulties, 
my  first  instinct  would  be  to  side  with  Wissmann. 
Emin  may  be  more  intellectual  than  Wissmann,  and, 
in  any  case,  he  is  a  learned  man ;  but  I  believe  that 
if  I  had  his  profile  here,  it  would  appear  that  the  back 
of  his  head  lacks  all  the  animal  energy  which  one  can- 
not quite  do  without  in  Africa." 

Count  William  Bismarck  then  related  that  Stanley, 
without  turning  round,  had  shot  a  man  who  had  caught 
hold  of  the  tail  of  his  donkey.  The  Prince  remarked, 
"Perhaps  one  cannot  get  on  in  those  parts  without 
something  of  that  kind." 

On  this  occasion  the  Prince  spoke  of  Zanzibar  as 
"  a  fruit  which  would  have  fallen  ripe  into  our  lap." 
If,  in  a  colonial  conflict  with  other  States,  England 
some  day  had  need  of  the  aid  of  German  diplomacy, 
the  Zanzibar  Protectorate  might  be  discussed  with 
England.  As  it  was,  German  influence  was  already 
predominant  in  Zanzibar.  An  English  paper  reported, 
said  the  Prince  with  a  smile,  that  the  Germans  were 
in  the  majority  in  the  Zanzibar  goal.  Now  they 
wanted  to  make  Bagamoyo  a  Zanzibar;  but  the  latter's 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  151 

banking  connections,  excellent  harbour,  and  all  its 
civilization  could  not  be  replaced  by  Bagamoyo.  The 
Eussian  Emperor  could  not  make  a  Konigsberg  out 
of  Libau,  nor  the  Danish  King  a  Hamburg  out  of 
Gltickstadt. 

These  political  reflections,  which  alone  somewhat 
clouded  his  good  humour,  were  then  interrupted  by 
a  fresh,  clear  voice,  from  the  next  room,  and  Bismarck 
listened  with  enjoyment  to  a  simple  ballad  sung  by 
Count  William's  wife. 

In  reply  to  the  question  whether  he  liked  music, 
the  Prince  said,  "Above  everything;  Beethoven  espe- 
cially. I  am  not  made  for  buying  tickets  and  listening 
to  music  in  a  narrow  seat,  but  I  have  always  liked 
music  at  home.  Up  to  my  thirtieth  year,  when  I  made 
the  acquaintance  of  my  wife,  who  is  very  musical,  I 
always  regretted  that  I  could  not  keep  the  music  hours 
appointed  in  my  course  of  studies.  Whilst  nowadays 
one  talks  so  much  of  over-burdening  the  young,  I  had 
then  to  work  thirteen  hours  a  day — an  hour  of  French 
and  English  in  addition  to  the  usual  instruction. 
Therefore  I  had,  unfortunately,  to  give  up  music ;  and 
I  have  always  regretted  this,  for  the  German  is  by 
nature  inclined  to  music.  From  my  youth  I  have  also 
been  very  enthusiastic  about  Goethe's  poetry,  and  even 
now  I  read  his  poems  in  bed  at  night  when  I  cannot 
get  to  sleep.  My  tastes  have  also  remained  loyal  to 
Schiller,  Uhland,  and  Chamisso.  But  Faust  is  my 
Bible  of  the  whole  of  profane  literature.  Clavigo  and 
the  Elective  Affinities,  are  unsympathetic  to  me  on 
account  of  their  flabby  heroes,  but  otherwise  Goethe  is 
quite  according  to  my  taste." 


152    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

The  conversation  then  turned  on  the  Viennese 
nobility,  which  was  being  constantly  forced  back  by 
the  "financial  brooms,"  and  Bismarck  observed,  "The 
Viennese  nobility  is  measured  according  as  to  whether 
anybody  can  keep  a  first  and  second  major  domo.  If 
he  cannot  do  that,  he  does  not  pass  as  full  value ;  they 
have  no  other  inward  standard  besides  that  of  money 
and  expenditure." 


Friedrichsruh 

May  31,  1892 

(Narrated  by  Dr.  Hans  Kleser  *) 

Shortly  after  the  conclusion  of  lunch  we  sat  down  in 
the  Prince's  study  (he  smoked  his  usual  long  pipe, 
whilst  I  enjoyed  the  fragrant  "  Bismarck  Bock  "  which 
he  handed  me).  Conversation  at  once  opened  by  the 
Prince  returning  to  my  speech  about  him  in  Cologne. 
"  One  must  not  think  that  I  bear  a  self-consuming 
grudge  against  the  Emperor,  or  any  one  else.  I  am 
far  removed  from  that.  Here  in  Friedrichsruh  I  feel 
happier  and  more  contented  since  my  dismissal,  apart 
from  bodily  pains  from  time  to  time,  than  ever  during 
my  official  life.  The  people  who  have  brought  about 
my  fall  are  really  entitled  to  my  gratitude."  In 
reply  to  a  query  as  to  whether  the  order  for  his 
dismissal  did  not  appear  to  make  his  retirement  a 
voluntary  and  desired  one,  the  Prince  observed,  "My 
departure  was  no  voluntary  one.  To  the  last  I  opposed 
rather  passively  the  ever  plainer  attempts  of  the 
*  Editor  of  the  Westdeutache  Allgemeine  Zeitung. 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  153 

Emperor  to  induce  me  to  tender  my  resignation.  The 
first  signs  that  the  Emperor  wished  to  be  rid  of  me 
date  further  back  than  is  generally  accepted.  It  was 
not  always  my  wish  to  be  spared  a  railway  journey 
from  here  to  Varzin,  Berlin,  or  Potsdam  whenever 
important  matters  were  to  be  discussed,  and  for  a  long 
time  I  had  noticed,  and  they  let  me  notice  it,  that 
every  extension  of  my  stay  in  the  country  would  be 
welcome.  The  real  insistence  on  my  removal  dates 
from  New  Year,  1890.  Even  then  I  still  evaded  it. 
The  Emperor  noticed  it,  and  so  he  became  still  more 
plain,  at  first  with  the  pretext  secretly  conveyed  to 
me  of  separating  the  Presidency  of  the  Prussian 
Ministry  from  the  Imperial  Chancellerie.  We  had 
such  bad  results  from  this  separation  under  Eoon, 
who  was  assuredly  an  excellent  man,  that  I  believed 
such  a  plan  could  at  most  be  resorted  to  after  my 
death.  But  if  a  smart  general,  proposed  by  me — and  in 
conversation  I  mentioned  Caprivi  as  an  example — were  to 
be  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Prussian  Ministry  of  State, 
I  declared  myself  ready  to  continue  as  Chancellor  of 
the  Empire  alone.  For  just  then  the  political  situation 
was  fraught  with  such  momentous  decisions,  that  I 
did  not  consider  myself  justified  by  my  conscience  in 
resigning  at  that  juncture.  But  even  this  proposal 
was  distasteful  to  the  Emperor;  he  wanted  me  to  be 
put  aside  completely,  and  his  immediate  entourage 
no  longer  treated  this  as  a  secret. 

"  Even  Windthorst  heard  of  it  and  sought  an  audience 
of  me,  and  this  I  granted  him,  as  I  have  always  done 
as  far  as  possible  to  any  member.  If  Windthorst 
has  reported  that  I  mentioned  Caprivi  to  him  as  my 


154   Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

successor,  it  is  an  error  of  Windtliorst's,  Perhaps  he 
heard  from  some  one  in  the  Emperor's  entourage  that 
I  had  hinted  at  a  solution  by  making  a  general — perhaps 
Caprivi — President  of  the  Prussian  Ministry.  At  the 
time  Windthorst  was  with  me,  I  was  not  aware  that 
Caprivi  would  be  particularly  welcome  to  the  leader  of 
the  Centre.  It  is  true  that  Windthorst  said  to  me 
that  he  sincerely  wished  me  to  continue  in  office. 
Perhaps  he  even  meant  it;  but  stipulations  for  the 
event  of  my  remaining  were  not  discussed. 

"  The  Emperor  then  made  strong  representations  to  me 
because  I  had  received  Windthorst  without  asking  him 
(the  Emperor).  I  had  to  deny  the  justice  of  this 
censure ;  but  I  saw  from  this  occurrence  that  the 
Emperor  wished  to  remove  me  at  all  costs  from  the 
direction  of  even  the  Imperial  affairs.  Nevertheless, 
for  conscientious  reasons  I  continued  my  passive  resist- 
ance, but  without  abandoning  the  institutions,  for  with- 
out them  it  is  impossible  to  carry  on  the  affairs  of  the 
Empire  and  the  Presidency  of  the  Prussian  Ministry 
with  security.  I  did  not  approve,  therefore,  of  the  can- 
cellation of  the  Cabinet  Order  of  1852,  which  directs 
the  Departmental  Ministers  only  to  communicate  with 
the  King  through  the  President  of  the  Ministry.  A 
Council  of  the  Ministry  took  place  on  the  16th  of 
March,  at  which  the  situation  was  discussed,  and  it  was 
unanimously  resolved  that  the  situation  demanded  that 
I  should  be  requested  to  remain  in  office.  A  member 
of  the  Council  of  the  Ministry  was  found  who  reported 
the  resolution,  declared  to  be  secret,  and  on  the  17th 
General  Hahnke  appeared  at  my  house,  without  any 
direct  commission  from  his  Majesty,  so  he  said,  to  make 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  155 

known  liis  Majesty's  expectation  that  I  would  send  in 
my  resignation.  I  informed  the  General  that  if  the 
Emperor  considered  that  he  had  no  further  use  for  me, 
he  was  able  to  dismiss  me.  No  move  on  my  part  was 
required  for  that.  It  was  impossible  for  me  to  apply 
for  my  retirement  myself,  since  I  was  obliged  to  con- 
sider it  a  serious  damage  to  German  policy  under  the 
existing  circumstances. 

"  On  that  very  day  Lucanus  arrived  with  the  direct 
Eoyal  commission.  He  sweetened  it  by  mentioning  the 
Emperor's  wish  to  create  me  Duke  of  Lauenburg,  and 
stated  that  he,  Lucanus,  believed  himself  able  to  assure 
me  that  if  I  doubted  my  ability  to  support  a  ducal 
household  on  my  income,  the  Emperor  would  be  gracious 
enough  to  take  this  into  consideration.  That,  indeed, 
was  the  last  thing  wanting — to  be  placed  on  the  retired 
list,  like  a  zealous,  worked-out  postman,  with  a  special 
remuneration !  I  declared  that  I  could  not  ask  for  an 
elevation  in  rank,  which  I  might  have  had  before,  as  I 
did  not  desire  it.  I  answered  Lucanus  that,  since  the 
Emperor  expected  to  receive  my  application  to  retire  im- 
mediately I  was  prepared  to  sign  my  simple  resignation 
at  once,  but  that  for  an  application  of  such  importance 
a  certain  amount  of  time  was  required.  I  agreed  to 
send  the  document  to  his  Majesty  as  soon  as  I  was  able. 
I  composed  it  on  the  18th  and  during  the  night  of  the 
19th.  It  contains  about  twenty  pages,  and  explains 
why  I  could  not  officially  be  personally  responsible  for 
my  retirement  under  the  present  conditions.  According 
to  my  thinking,  the  Emperor  could  hardly  have  read 
this,  my  last  official  document,  attentively  when  I 
received  the  decree  of  dismissal,  the  wording  of  which 


156    Conversations  with   Prince  Bismarck 

you  know.  So  long  as  I  live,  my  application  to  retire, 
which  really  was  the  opposite  of  an  application  to  retire, 
will  not  be  published ;  but  if  the  Government  Press  of 
to-day,  in  order  to  falsify  history,  constantly  point  to 
my  application  to  retire  and  to  the  gracious  acceptance 
of  the  same,  please  demand  that  my  application  be 
published  word  for  word  officially  by  the  Government." 

The  Chancellor  then  proceeded  to  discuss  in  general 
terms  the  difficulties  of  the  situation,  which  prevented 
him  from  retiring  voluntarily. 

"In  the  first  place,  there  were  our  relations  with 
Eussia,  and  the  uncertainty  whether  any  successor  of 
mine  would  be  able  to  maintain  them  in  the  then 
existing  sincerity  and  friendship.  It  is  true  that 
Alexander  III.  is  averse  to  German  ideas,  and  is  even 
an  enemy  of  Germany.  But  he  is  a  prudent  ruler, 
and  does  not  allow  himself  to  be  swayed  in  his  foreign 
policy  by  a  certain  well-known  feminine  influence. 
Since  the  tissue  of  lies  which  Gortschakoff  had  spun 
round  my  person  at  the  Czar's  Court  has  been  de- 
stroyed, Germany,  so  long  as  I  was  at  the  head  of  affairs, 
was  on  a  good  and  sound  footing  with  Alexander  III., 
which  means  with  Eussia.  Alexander  III.  is  naturally 
suspicious ;  but  still  there  was  one  politician  in  the  world 
whom  he  believed  and  trusted  in  unconditionally,  and 
that  was  I.  To-day  it  is  different,  as  I  had  foreseen.  They 
have  abandoned  my  foreign  policy  at  its  most  vital  point." 

On  his  attention  being  drawn  to  the  alleged  danger  of 
the  Pan-Slavonic  movement  in  Eussia,  Bismarck  ob- 
served, "  I  do  not  understand  why  a  Eussia  holding 
Constantinople  should  be  more  dangerous  to  us  than 
the  present  one  with  Petersburg,  Warsaw,  and  Odessa. 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  157 

From  Germany's  point  of  view,  I  should  not  have  put 
any  difficulties  in  the  way  of  Eussia  if  she  had  wanted 
to  take  Constantinople.  From  an  egoistic  point  of  view, 
I  should  even  consider  a  Eussia  in  possession  of  Con- 
stantinople, i.e.  which  had  made  one  step  from  Odessa 
across  the  Black  Sea,  to  be  less  dangerous  to  us  than 
the  present  one.  So  far  as  Pan-Slavism  is  concerned,  I 
consider  that  official  Eussia,  nay,  even  the  real  Eussians, 
are  not  at  all  Pan-Slavonic.  The  Pan-Slavonic  leading 
articles  in  the  Eussian  papers,  which  fill  the  Western 
Europeans  with  such  fears,  are  not  written  by  Eussians 
at  all,  but  chiefly  by  Poles,  whose  aim  it  is  to  incite 
Slav  and  Teuton  against  each  other  in  the  hope  of 
creating  a  new  Polish  kingdom  at  their  expense,  no 
matter  which  side  be  victorious. 

"  There  is  by  nature  a  fundamental  difference  between 
Eussians  and  Poles.  At  the  bottom  of  his  tempera- 
ment the  Eussian  is  a  dreamer  and  an  enthusiast,  if  you 
will,  a  silent  Eomanticist ;  the  Pole  is  an  intriguer, 
hypocritical,  untruthful  and  unreliable,  quite  incapable 
of  maintaining  a  State  organization — to-day  he  overflows 
with  Jescze  Polska,  to-morrow  it  is  WaschlapsH  and 
Krapulinski. 

"  The  Eussian  is  therefore  as  hateful  to  the  Pole  as 
is  the  Teuton,  but  that  does  not  interfere  with  his 
working  with  either,  nor  from  being  in  the  pay  of  both. 
As  I  have  already  said,  those  who  champion  the  Pan- 
Slavonic  ideas  in  the  Eussian  papers  are  Poles.  What 
I  have  said  does  not  imply  that  there  are  not  in- 
dividuals of  eminent  learning  and  high  character 
among  them.  I  am  speaking  of  the  general  character, 
and  particularly  of  the  political  character,  of  the  Pole. 


158    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

During  my  official  career  I  have  had  to  conquer  many 
obstacles  and  annoyances  created  for  me  by  Poles.  The 
youthful  love  of  the  Emperor  William  for  a  Princess 
Eadziwil  resulted  in  the  creation  of  a  multitude  of  Polish 
connections,  which  the  Emperor,  with  his  chivalrous 
tenderness,  maintained  during  his  life.  All  kinds  of 
Polish  political  intrigues  were  carried  on  at  Court, 
against  which  I  have  often  had  to  fight  a  hard  battle. 
The  Pole  is  always  engaged  in  proselytizing,  and  the 
Polish  women  are  untiring  therein  and  also  successful. 
Therefore  the  suppression  of  Poledom,  which  is  every- 
where political  and  '  Great-Polish,'  must  not  be  lost 
sight  of.  To  favour  Poledom  would  also  put  us  on  a 
bad  footing  with  Eussia.  Unfortunately,  this  favouritism 
came  into  full  swing  immediately  after  my  dismissal. 
The  appointment  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Gnesen  of  a 
well-known  champion  of  the  ideas  of  Great-Poledom 
was  especially  weak  and  reprehensible,  both  as  a  matter 
of  foreign  and  domestic  policy." 

After  a  digression  to  discuss  the  characteristics  of  the 
old  Emperor,  Dr.  Kleser  asked  the  Prince,  in  connection 
with  the  Chancellor's  great  speech  in  February,  1887, 
whether  there  had  been  any  difference  of  opinion 
between  him  and  Moltke  on  the  question  of  a  declara- 
tion of  war  with  France. 

"  Certainly,"  replied  Bismarck,  "  and  Moltke's  view 
found  more  support  than  mine,  which  did  not  gain  the 
day  so  easily.  >  In  my  Eeichstag  speech  I  gave  my 
reasons  why  I  was  against  a  so-called  preventive  war 
with  France.  My  personal  conviction,  gained  from 
the  study  of  history,  is  that  it  is  unwarrantable  to  enter 
upon  a  war  with  a  weaker  opponent  at  an  apparently 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  159 

suitable  date,  merely  because  the  opponent  at  that  time 
threatens  to  attack  you  as  soon  as  he  is  strong  enough  to 
do  so.  Some  of  the  French  who  threatened  us  five  years 
ago  are  already  dead  to-day,  and  in  all  probability  hardly 
one  of  them  will  be  alive  at  the  time  when  France  may 
see  her  chance  of  attacking  us.  But  I  will  go  still 
further,  and  maintain  that,  if  Germany  retains  only 
semi-capable  statesmen,  France  will  never  have  such 
an  opportunity.  During  my  time  in  office  she  certainly 
did  not  have  one,  and  by  herself  alone  she  can  hardly 
ever  catch  us  up  in  a  military  sense.  Moreover, 
Providence,  or,  if  you  will,  the  course  of  the  history  of 
the  world,  often  takes  care  that,  when  a  warlike  feeling 
prevails,  circumstances  prevent  its  gratification.  There 
was  a  time,  after  the  Peace  of  Berlin,  when  Eussia 
appeared  anxious  for  war.  But  the  progress  we  had 
made  in  the  manufacture  of  guns  and  projectiles  and 
the  preparation  of  powder,  which  Eussia  could  not 
equal  quickly  enough,  prevented  the  possibiKty  of  war 
until  the  desire  for  war  had  vanished.  Moreover,  a 
personal  argument  in  favour  of  peace  existed  for  me 
in  the  thought  of  my  old  master.  Where  should 
we  have  left  the  Emperor  during  a  war?  At  his 
age  he  could  not  have  gone  through  the  campaign; 
and  do  you  think  he  would  have  remained  behind  in 
Berlin  and  have  allowed  the  army  to  march  out  of  the 
Brandenburg  Gate  without  him  ?  It  would,  I  believe, 
have  been  possible  for  me,  in  spite  of  his  deep-seated 
aversion  to  the  horrors  of  a  new  war,  to  induce  him 
to  consent  to  such  if  I  had  given  him  the  assurance 
that  I  was  convinced  that  the  war  was  unavoidable 
to  secure  the  future  of  Germany,  for  he  would  then 


i6o    Conversations  with   Prince  Bismarck 

have  felt  it  his  duty  to  consent  to  it.  Since  I  did  not 
then  possess  this  conviction,  which  I  have  not  even 
to-day — in  spite  of  the  deterioration  of  our  relations 
since  my  dismissal,  Germany  simply  remained  on  the 
side  of  peace.  No  one  in  the  world  believes  that  we 
did  this  on  account  of  weakness." 

Eeference  was  then  made  to  the  rumours  that  Bismarck 
wished  to  be  "  reconciled  "  to  the  Emperor  before  going 
to  Vienna,  where  his  son's  marriage  was  to  take  place. 

The  Prince  remarked,  "  These  communications  pro- 
ceed from  the  present  Government,  and  have  no  further 
object  than  to  invest  me  with  the  appearance  of  feeling 
guilty  in  some  respect  towards  the  Emperor,  by  in- 
venting a  desire  for  reconciliation.  The  words  're- 
conciliation with  the  Emperor'  are  in  themselves  an 
absurdity,  were  it  only  for  the  reason  that  a  situation 
does  not  exist  which  a  '  reconciliation '  presupposes — 
at  least,  not  on  my  part.  My  criticism  is  solely  directed 
against  the  wrong  political  methods  which  my  successor 
and  his  colleagues  have  adopted,  for  they  fill  me 
with  anxiety  for  the  Empire.  Seldom,  perhaps  never, 
have  I  been  so  deceived  in  a  man's  capabilities  as 
I  was  in  Caprivi's.  Perhaps,  after  all,  there  can  be  no 
more  unsuitable  preparatory  career  for  the  direction 
of  the  affairs  of  the  State  Secretariate  in  the  Foreign 
Of&ce  than  that  of  a  State  counsel.  The  King  is  above 
all  criticism ;  no  remark  of  mine  is  directed  against 
him,  and  I  beg  you,  as  well  as  all  visitors,  who  publicly 
support  my  political  views,  to  leave  the  personality 
of  the  Emperor  out  of  the  question  as  far  as  possible, 
but  in  any  case  not  to  attack  him.  During  my  stay  in 
Berlin  to  treat  about  taking  over  the  Presidency  of  the 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  i6i 

Prussian  Ministry,  thirty  years  ago,  I  learnt  with  real 
horror  that  the  King  of  Prussia  was  only  saluted  in 
the  streets  of  his  capital  by  a  couple  of  hair-dressers 
and  a  few  court  tradesmen.  I  then  made  a  vow  to 
myself  to  do  what  lay  in  my  power  to  effect  a  change 
in  this.  I  have  done  so,  and  reached  my  goal ;  and 
though  it  strikes  me  at  times  that  I  may  have  even 
overshot  the  mark,  this  is  less  serious  than  the  other 
condition  would  be.  Therefore,  not  a  word  against  the 
King.  But  the  ever-recurring  insinuations  as  if  I  were 
stretching  out  my  hand,  or  ought  to  take  the  first  step 
towards  a  reconciliation,  are  meant  to  serve  no  other 
purpose  than  to  create  the  impression  that  I  have  to 
make  something  good  to  the  King — in  fact,  to  beg  his 
pardon.  There  can  be  no  idea  of  that.  Whether  I  am 
in  the  King's  good  graces  or  not  I  do  not  know ;  I  have 
done  nothing  to  forfeit  them,  and  therefore  I  can  do 
nothing  to  regain  them.  Now  and  again  there  comes 
a  visitor,  who  thinks  he  must  needs  tell  me  that  the 
Emperor  wishes  to  approach  me  again.  These  expressions 
of  opinion  I  judge  from  the  same  point  of  view ;  they 
are  apocryphal  because  they  are  absurd  in  themselves. 
According  to  my  conviction,  the  Emperor  does  not  desire 
any  other  relations  with  me  but  those  which  he  himself 
has  created. 

"The  circumstances  under  which  I  had  to  quit  the 
Chancellor's  Palace  were  indeed  most  insulting  to  me 
and  my  family.  Contrary  to  all  custom,  I  was  not  even 
left  in  of&ce  until  my  successor  was  appointed,  so  as  to 
give  me  sufi&cient  time  to  move  my  things,  such  as  any 
small  citizen's  family  might  expect.  Nay,  hardly  had 
my  successor  been  appointed,  than  he  took  possession 

M 


1 62    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

of  tlie  Chancellor's  Palace,  and  obliged  us  to  pack  up 
on  the  stairs  and  landings.  We  were  turned  into  the 
street  like  thieves,  and  lost  many  a  bit  of  property  by 
the  hasty  packing  of  our  things.  But  all  that  does 
not  affect  me  personally ;  it  leaves  me  calm,  and  least 
of  all  does  it  excite  me  against  the  Emperor.  If,  there- 
fore, the  present  relations  between  the  Emperor  and 
myself  are  represented  as  if  I  desired  to  see  them 
changed,  it  is  intended  either  to  show  the  world  that 
others  are  free  from  blame  as  regards  myself,  or,  in  the 
event  of  a  'reconciliation'  taking  place,  I  should  be 
represented  as  the  party  that  has  begged  off.  Eor 
nothing  in  the  world  will  I  allow  this  suspicion  to  be 
thus  cast  upon  me,  as  if  I  had  committed  some  fault, 
or  even  shown  a  want  of  respect  towards  the  reigning 
Emperor.  Probably  the  people  who  spread  such  reports 
know  that  they  can  only  call  forth  a  denial  on  my  part, 
thus  making  the  so-called  '  reconciliation '  impossible  on 
my  side.  That,  perhaps,  is  the  reason  why  these  reports 
always  crop  up  again,  but  they  do  not  move  me." 

Then  the  Prince  continued— 

"  I  had  long  foreseen  that  things  were  bound  to  happen 
with  the  Emperor  and  me  as  they  came  about,  and  only 
from  a  pure  sense  of  duty  did  I  hold  out,  by  the 
exercise  of  great  self-control,  and  put  off  my  retirement 
as  long  as  I  could.  I  was,  therefore,  not  taken  by 
surprise,  though,  on  the  other  hand,  I  do  not  conceal 
from  you  that  I  was  grievously  disappointed  in  the 
German  people.  I  thought  they  possessed  more  political 
judgment.  It  is  not  the  faithlessness  and  defection  of 
a  few  that  pained  me,  but  the  complete  inertia  of  the 
whole  nation,  which  is  apparently  not  able  to  perceive 


/ 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  163 

wliat  drives  me  to  criticism.  It  is  not  a  personal 
grudge,  nor  revenge,  nor  even  a  wish  to  regain  power, 
but  the  anxiety,  the  heavy  anxiety,  which  robs  me  of 
many  a  night's  rest,  about  the  future  of  the  Empire 
founded  with  such  costly  and  heavy  sacrifices." 

Dr.  Kleser  assured  the  Prince  that  only  a  slight 
opportunity  was  necessary  to  rouse  the  deep-seated 
feeling  of  the  nation  from  its  apparent  apathy. 

The  Prince  was  sceptical,  but  his  interviewer  proved 
to  be  right,  for  only  a  fortnight  later  the  "  Urias  "  letter 
of  Count  Caprivi  to  the  German  ambassador  at  Vienna 
caused  the  sentiments  of  the  German  nation  to  be 
proclaimed  with  no  uncertain  voice. 


Bismarck  and  the  Anti-Semites 
Kissing  en,  July,  1892 

A  South  German  politician,  who  was  honoured  with  a 
seat  at  the  Prince's  table,  recorded  the  following  notes  * 
on  Bismarck's  views  regarding  the  Jewish  Question. 

Bismarck  considered  that  a  combination  of  the  Jewish 
and  German  elements  was  useful.  There  was  some- 
thing in  the  Jews  that  the  German  did  not  possess. 
They  imparted  to  the  population,  especially  of  large 
towns,  a  mousseux  that  otherwise  would  be  wanting,  as 
well  as  impulses  and  emotions,  which  would  hardly 
exist  to  the  same  degree  under  other  circumstances. 
Apart  from  all  considerations  of  justice  and  humanity 
*  Wiener  Neue  Freie  Presse,  January,  1898. 


164    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

he  did  not  see  any  way  by  which  the  aims  of  the 
Anti-Semites  might  be  realized.  If  one  questioned 
them  about  the  practical  execution  of  their  plans, 
they  became  like  the  Social  Democrats;  they  were 
unable  to  propose  anything  that  could  be  practically 
carried  out;  their  recipes  were  not  applicable  to  the 
organism  of  the  State  of  to-day.  Moreover,  what  could 
one  do?  Measures  like  Bartholomew's  Eve  or  the 
Sicilian  Vespers  could  hardly  be  proposed  even  by  the 
Anti-Semites  themselves.  Nor  could  the  Jews  be 
expelled  without  grave  injury  to  the  national  welfare. 
Any  measures  by  which  the  Jews  would  be  excluded 
from  judicial  and  other  positions  in  the  State  would 
only  increase  the  evil  which  the  Anti-Semites  thought 
they  had  to  do  away  with.  For  then  the  same  Jewish 
intelligence,  to  which  public  careers  would  be  closed, 
would  embrace  those  fields  in  which  the  over-weight 
of  the  Jews  is  already  said  by  the  Anti-Semites  to  be 
intolerable,  i.e.  those  of  commerce. 

The  Prince  then  stated  his  opinion  that  the  Jewish 
movement  sprang  less  from  religious  and  social  instincts 
than  from  economic  reasons.  He  mentioned  as  a  fact 
that  the  Jews  are  greatly  superior  to  the  other  ele- 
ments of  the  population  in  making  money.  Their 
superiority  rests  on  qualities  which,  whether  they  are 
pleasing  or  not,  cannot  be  removed  by  measures  of 
State.  The  Jews,  by  reason  of  their  natural  disposi- 
tions, were  geneMly  more  clever  and  skilful  than 
Christians.  They  were  also,  at  any  rate  so  long  as 
they  had  not  made  their  fortunes,  if  perhaps  not  more 
industrious  at  least  more  frugal  and  saving  than  their 
Christian  competitors.     To  this  must  be  added  the  fact 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  165 

that  the  Jew  would  risk  something  more  readily  once  in 
a  way  in  order  to  gain  a  commercial  advantage,  and  in 
applying  his  methods  to  gain  his  object,  would  also  act 
more  kind-heartedly  than  his  Christian  competitor.  All 
this  gives  him  an  advantage  in  commerce  which  could 
not  legally  be  taken  away.  Even  the  Anti-Semites  had 
up  till  then  been  unable  to  suggest  anything  which 
might  paralyze  this  advantage  and  its  effect  on  the 
economic  life  of  the  nation.  Their  proposals  had  hitherto 
been  impracticable,  and  no  government  would  be  found 
able  to  carry  them  out.  It  was  also  inadvisable  for  the 
State  to  put  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  pursuit  of  gain 
and  fortune,  for  the  other  elements  of  the  population 
would  thereby  suffer  equally,  and  the  national  wealth 
would  decrease. 

It  is  not  necessary  on  that  account  to  allow  the 
Jews  to  dominate,  or  to  make  one's  self  dependent 
on  them  financially,  as  is  the  case  in  some  States. 
In  his  own  dealings,  as  a  minister,  with  the  haute 
finance,  he  had  always  placed  them  under  an  obligation 
to  him. 

He  considered  the  Jews  to  be  useful  members  of  the 
State  of  to-day,  and  thought  it  unwise  to  molest  them. 
The  rich  Jew  especially  was  generally  a  regular  taxpayer 
and  a  good  subject. 

Finally  the  Prince  spoke  about  his  personal  relations 
with  Jews,  and  remarked  inter  alia  that  he  had  really 
reaped  ingratitude  at  their  hands.  No  statesman  had 
done  more  for  their  emancipation  than  he  had ;  yet,  in 
spite  of  this,  it  was  just  the  Progressive  and  Eadical 
papers,  in  the  hands  of  the  Jews,  which  attacked  him 
most  violently.     But  he  did  not  take  that  too  much  to 


1 66    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

heart ;  the  reason  was,  probably,  that  the  owners  of  the 
papers  considered  it  due  to  their  Liberal  or  Eadical 
spirit  not  to  allow  the  memory  of  that,  for  which  they 
as  Jews  had  to  thank  him,  to  influence  the  attitude  of 
their  papers  with  regard  to  him  and  his  policy.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  had  witnessed  many  a  trait  of  Jewish 
gratitude.  Whilst  he  was  farming  his  Pomeranian 
estate  he,  like  all  other  landowners  there,  often  employed 
a  local  Jew.  One  day  the  Jew  became  bankrupt,  and 
came  to  him  with  the  entreaty  not  to  lodge  a  claim 
that  he  had  against  him,  because  then  he  would  be 
able  to  get  off  unpunished.  Bismarck  consented,  and 
allowed  his  claim  to  lapse.  The  old  man  showed  his 
gratitude  later  on,  by  making  payments  every  year, 
which  he  was  not  legally  bound  to  do,  and  continued 
to  do  so  until  the  Prince  moved  away  from  the  neigh- 
bourhood, and  said  to  him,  "That's  enough;  let  us 
wipe  out  the  remainder." 


Friedrichseuh 
Jtcne  24,  1896  * 

"  Several  of  my  previous  visits  to  Friedrichsruh  hap- 
pened to  coincide  with  the  anniversary  of  some  more 
or  less  important  date  in  the  history  of  Prince  Bismarck. 
To-day  it  is  exactly  a  quarter  of  a  century  since  the 
old  Emperor  William  drew  up  and  signed  the  letter 
in   which  he   announced   his   intention   of  making   a 

*  New  Tork  Herald,  July  12, 1896. 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  167 

present  of  the  estate  of  Friedriclisruli  to  his  faithful 
Chancellor. 

"  It  was,  therefore,  with  a  feeling  fraught  with  aus- 
picious augury  that  I  found  myself  once  more  within 
the  homely  precincts  of  the  renowned  Schloss  in  the 
Sachsenswald.  One  of  Herr  von  Lenbach's  masterly  por- 
traits of  his  hero  looked  down  on  me  from  the  wall  as  I 
entered  one  of  the  numerous  rooms  on  the  ground  floor. 
An  engraving  of  Bismarck  inscribed  with  Chinese 
characters,  just  received,  evidently — or  let  us  say  pre- 
sumably— '  made  in  China,'  occupied  a  chair ;  and  there 
stood  the  magnificent  oak  chime  clock — a  grandfather's 
clock  on  a  colossal  scale — which  I  had  often  admired 
before.  Several  busts  of  Bismarck  were  stowed  away  in 
odd  comers,  as  if  to  make  room  for  the  more  imper- 
sonal offerings  with  which  the  consoles  and  chiffoniers 
of  the  room  were  still  loaded,  notwithstanding  that 
a  vast  collection  of  presents,  representing  a  money 
value  of  many  million  of  marks,  has  from  time 
to  time  been  sent  away  to  the  Bismarck  museum  at 
Schoenhausen. 

"The  Prince's  grandsons,  the  young  Eantzaus,  hap- 
pened to  be  in  the  room  with  their  tutor  grinding  their 
way  through  the  Greek  grammar,  and  were  not  over 
sorry  to  be  interrupted,  I  fancy. 

"  '  Grosspapa  is  not  about  yet,  Mr.  X .'    And  the 

tutor  added  that  His  Highness  had  not  enjoyed  a  good 
night's  rest,  and  that  lunch  had  been  put  off  a  little  late 
in  consequence.  However,  it  was  not  very  long  before 
the  doors  were  thrown  open,  men  servants  passed  to 
and  fro,  Dr.  Chrysander  appeared  on  the  scene  carrying 
an  important-looking  parcel  of  letters  and  newspapers 


1 68    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

and  we  were  informed  tliat  Prince  Bismarck  was  already 
in  the  drawing-room,  and  lunch  was  served. 

"  It  was  nearly  a  year  since  I  had  last  seen  Germany's 
great  Chancellor ;  but  he  had  certainly  not  aged  in  out- 
ward appearance  in  the  interval.  His  complexion  is  of 
the  same  healthy  hue  as  ever,  and  his  large  blue  eyes, 
yet  undimmed,  flash  their  old  fire.  Only  the  neuralgia 
from  which  he  has  long  suffered  seemed  to  have  become 
more  acute  of  late,  for  I  noticed  that  he  now  and  then 
held  up  his  hand  to  his  left  cheek,  as  if  to  assuage  the 
pain  with  the  warmth  of  his  palm. 

"  But  this  was  not  for  long,  and  in  the  intervals  of 
relief  his  bright  humour  quickly  returned,  and  with  it 
his  vivid  interest  and  participation  in  every  topic  of 
conversation. 

"  What  wine  are  we  to  drink  ? — a  momentous  question 
this,  at  such  a  hospitable  board,  but  one  of  small  import- 
ance to  an  anxious  individual  whose  poor  head  is  full 
of  political  questions  to  ask,  and  fraught  with  fear  of 
asking  them :  '  Yes,  let  it  be  Diirkheimer,  by  all 
means.' 

"  '  Diirkheimer  is  a  wine  of  the  Palatinate,  and  these 
wines  are,  indeed,  excellent,  although  rather  potent,'  says 
Bismarck,  amiably  starting  the  conversation  in  the  most 
gracious  of  humours.  '  Formerly,  I  knew  little  about 
them,  although  I  always  knew  something  about  wines  in 
general.  But  now  that  such  an  enormous  assortment  of 
fine  wines  has  been'  sent  to  me  in  the  form  of  presents,  I 
need  no  longer  exercise  my  own  judgment,  and  I  fancy 
my  friends  reap  the  benefit  of  the  change.  In  Frankfurt 
we  used  to  drink  Baden  wines,  Affenthaler  and  Mark- 
graefler.    They  were  cheap  indeed  in  those  days.    A 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  169 

first-rate  wine  only  used  to  cost  a  florin  a  bottle,  and 
the  average  table  wine  something  like  18  florins  the 
hundred  litres  (about  12  kreuzers  a  bottle).*  I  used  to 
smoke  some  cigars,  too,  which  cost  the  same  amount  of 
money  per  thousand  (about  1  kreuzer  apiece),  but  only 
one  a  day,'  the  Prince  slyly  added, '  as  a  sort  of  reminder 
— as  in  the  case  of  the  Eastern  potentate  with  the 
image  of  death  constantly  before  him— that  we  are 
mortal.' 

"  How  gladly  would  I  have  sat  by  the  hour  to  listen 
to  kindred  delightful  reminiscences  ;  but  there  was  my 
duty  to  perform,  and  the  burning  subject  of  politics  still 
kept  most  uncomfortably  in  the  background.  And  yet, 
who  would  dare  to  influence  the  line  of  conversation 
with  the  Iron  Chancellor?  Fortunately,  somebody 
made  the  assertion  that  we  all  travel  to  excess  nowa- 
days, and  that  the  nervous  system  has  to  pay  for  it  in 
the  end.  SchweniQger,  the  Prince's  doctor,  for  instance, 
literally  lives  in  the  railway  cars.  '  Yes,  Schweninger, 
indeed,'  Bismarck  humorously  puts  inj  'but  he,  you 
know,  was  born  a  rocket.' 

"  This  was  a  happy  turn  indeed,  for  the  transition  from 
the  topic  of  travelling  to  that  of  the  diflerent  countries 
to  be  visited  and  their  political  troubles  is  almost  a 
natural  one.  Thus  we  soon  got  by  easy  stages  from 
Germany  to  Armenia,  Crete,  Egypt,  and  even  as  far 
away  as  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and  the  South  African 
Eepublic — the  excellent  Diirkheimer,  the  long  pipe  and 
a  fragrant  cigar  keeping  us  steadfast  company  all  the 
way. 

»  *  *  *  * 

*  Twelve  kreuzers  about  equal  to  fourpence  in  English  money. 


170    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

"England  and  Germany — tlieir  present  and  future 
affinities  and  antagonisms — a  big  topic  for  a  lunclieon 
table,  ay,  even  for  to-morrow  and  the  day  after — 
particularly  for  tlie  latter ;  but,  for  the  moment,  also  a 
very  delicate  one.  The  militant,  aggressive  German 
view  of  this  topic  is  constantly  kept  before  the  public 
by  Prince  Bismarck's  favoured  organ,  the  Hamburger 
Nachrichten,  which  in  its  general  drift  may  perhaps  be 
taken  to  represent  his  views  (and  more  or  less  those  of 
the  enormous  number  of  Germans  who  still,  and  always 
will,  blindly  accept  Prince  Bismarck's  dictum  on  such 
questions)  as  he  does  not  mind  them  being  made  public. 

"But  there  is  one  vital  difference  between  Prince 
Bismarck's  personal  views  on  foreign  political  questions 
and  their  rendering  by  German  newspapers,  their 
passionate  and  at  times  even  acrimonious  tone,  and  his 
Leidenschaftslosigkeit ;  his  dispassionate  estimate  of 
things  and  persons.  Thus  while  his  journalistic  organs 
rave  about  die  englische  verlogene  Politik,  die  englische 
verlogene  Presse  (the  duplicity  of  English  politics,  the 
mendacity  of  the  English  press),  the  Prince  himself 
remains  impassive. 

"  He  deprecates  Germany  getting  too  excited  over 
questions  which  only  remotely  affect  German  interests. 

"He  may,  perhaps,  indulge  in  a  caustic,  stinging 
remark  about  an  English,  as  also  about  a  German, 
public  man,  but,  as  far  as  England  and  Germany  are 
concerned,  he  is'  against  an  excessive  swinging  of  the 
pendulum  one  way  or  the  other  :  *  Not  too  effusive,  not 
too  abusive ' — this  is  his  keynote. 

"  Somebody  refers  to  a  recent  Imperial  utterance  that 
'  blood  is  thicker  than  water.' 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  171 

"  '  Yes,  perhaps  it  is/  rejoins  Bismarck.  '  In  every 
case,  blood  is  a  sticky  fluid ;  but  I  do  not  remember  that 
blood  relationship  has  ever  robbed  feuds  of  their  deadli- 
ness.  History  tells  us  that  no  wars  are  as  ferocious  in 
their  character  as  those  between  people  of  the  same 
race — witness  the  animosity  displayed  in  civil  wars.' 

"  The  conversation  became  general.  I  venture  to  tell 
His  Highness  that  there  is  a  widespread  suspicion  in 
England — although  one  probably  not  shared  by  many 
responsible  persons — that  'German  intrigues'  were  at 
the  bottom  of  the  Transvaal  business, — that  I  had 
received  a  letter  from  a  very  influential  personage  in 
England,  before  leaving  home,  to  that  effect ;  that  I  had 
since  spoken  in  Berlin  to  a  number  of  leading  journalists 
and  politicians,  among  the  latter  Herr  von  Benningsen, 
Prince  Carolath,  Professor  Delbriick  and  others,  and 
that  they,  one  and  all,  had  ridiculed  the  idea. 

"  The  opinions  expressed  on  the  telegram  of  the 
German  Emperor  to  President  Kriiger  had  indeed 
varied  with  regard  to  its  judiciousness ;  but  I  had  not 
met  one  single  person  in  Berlin  or  elsewhere  who  had 
anything  to  say  against  the  sentiment  it  expressed. 

"  Here  Prince  Bismarck,  without  expressing  any 
opinion  as  to  the  opportuneness  of  the  Emperor's  tele- 
gram, simply  remarked,  '  The  Emperor's  telegram  might 
with  peculiar  fitness  and  decency  have  been  sent  to 
President  Kriiger  even  by  the  English  Government 
itself.' 

"  Somebody  present  thereupon  said  that  he  had  recently 
met  some  representative  Americans,  and  that  they  had 
assured  him  that  there  exists  a  strong  current  of  public 
opinion  in  the  New  England  States,  among  the  clergy 


1/2    Conversations  with   Prince  Bismarck 

and  the  teaching  world,  which  enthusiastically  applauds 
President  Kriiger,  and  is  indignant  at  the  various 
attempts  that  had  been  made  to  intimidate  him,  or  to 
minimize  his  generous  treatment  of  the  Johannesburg 
prisoners. 

"  *  I  do  not  think  that  President  Kriiger  is  in  want  of  ' 
any  assistance,  German  or  any  other  kind,'  Bismarck 
replied,  in  his  quiet,  convincing  way.  '  It  was  a  clear 
case  of  attempted  burglary,  or  Seerdeuherei ;  and  should 
the  worst  come  to  the  worst,' — which  I  understood  to 
mean — should  attempts  at  coercion  come  to  be  in  the 
ascendant  in  certain  quarters, — '  the  Boers,  who  are  men 
of  stalwart  physique,  phlegmatic  temperament,  and 
good  shots  into  the  bargain,  may,  I  think,  be  relied 
upon  to  defend  their  independence,  and  give  a  good 
account  of  their  enemies.' 

"  To  the  remark  that  President  Kriiger  had  hitherto 
got  the  better  of  his  opponents,  the  Prince  added — 

" '  That  was  not  very  difficult,  considering  .  .  .  and 
the  clearness  of  his  case.' 

"  The  conversation  then  turning  towards  other  matters, 
I  ventured  to  ask  Prince  Bismarck  whether  he  thought 
that  Germany,  as  I  had  heard  it  asserted,  had,  at  the 
instance  of  Italy,  urged  the  English  on  to  undertake 
the  conquest  of  the  Soudan  ? 

"  To  this  he  replied  distinctly  in  the  negative. 

"  He  remains  unchanged  in  his  opinion,  so  often  ex- 
pressed, that  Germany  has  little  concern  in  these 
matters. 

"And  the  straightforward  way  in  which  he  added 
that  the  English  had  at  least  established  order  in  Egypt 
would  have  convinced  me,  if  I  had  needed  conviction, 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  173 

that,  'whatever  his  opinion  may  be,  he  is  free  from 
that  petty  dislike  to  England  so  often  imputed  to 
him. 

" '  As  for  Crete,  I  can  assure  you,'  he  said,  '  that  I 
take  less  interest  in  that  island  than  in  any  little  mound 
in  my  garden.  The  Cretans  are,  I  believe,  very  lightly 
taxed,  and,  under  normal  conditions,  should  be  far  better 
off  under  the  Turks  than  they  might  possibly  be  in 
belonging  to  Greece. 

" '  What  the  Sultan  needs  are  good  servants,  and,  above 
all,  determination.  Turkey  has  gone  through  more  severe 
crises  than  the  present  one ;  but,  of  course,  you  require 
exceptional  qualities  to  cope  with  such.' " 


Li  Hung  Chang  at  Friedeichseuh 
June  25,  1896 

The  Chinese  Viceroy,  accompanied  by  his  son  Li 
Ching  Chu,  the  first  Secretary  of  the  Embassy,  Lo-Feng 
and  other  members  of  his  suite,  paid  a  visit  on  June 
26,  1896,  to  Prince  Bismarck,  whom  Li  Hung  Chang 
had  long  wished  to  see  and  talk"  to.  Amongst  the 
invited  guests  at  the  lunch  were  General  Hannecken, 
Colonel  Liebert,  Lukas  von  Cranach,  and  Dr. 
Schweninger. 

Thanks  to  the  skilful  interpreters,  the  conversation 
at  lunch  was  lively  and  well  sustained. 

The  Viceroy  told  the  Prince  that  to  see  him  had  been 
his  wish  for  thirty  years,  ever  since  he  first  heard  of 
him  after  the  Austrian  war;  at  last  the  day  for  the 
fulfilment  of  that  wish  had  come.     He  had  seen  many 


174   Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

portraits  of  the  Prince,  and  had  cherished  great  expecta- 
tions ;  but  no  portrait  came  up  to  the  reality. 

Bismarck  sought  to  turn  the  compliment  by  remark- 
ing, "  I  am  no  longer  what  I  was ;  I  am  becoming  old." 

Li  Hung  Chang  then  inquired  after  the  Prince's 
occupations. 

"Nothing,"  was  the  smiling  answer.  "I  do  not 
bother  myself  about  anything  so  that  I  may  escape 
annoyance.  I  am  no  longer  in  duty  bound  to  work, 
and  I  now  find  my  pleasure  in  the  forest  and  the  fields 
in  summer.  I  am  by  nature  a  farmer,  and  had  no 
desire  to  be  a  politician." 

The  Viceroy  asked  after  Count  Herbert  Bismarck, 
whose  long  service  in  the  Foreign  Office  he  cordially 
recognized. 

"He  always  wants  to  busy  himself  with  politics," 
replied  Bismarck,  "and  in  comparison  with  myself  he 
has  but  little  liking  for  agriculture." 

Li :  "  With  us,  in  China,  the  son  has  always  to  take 
over  his  father's  work." 

Bismarck :  "  That  is  generally  the  case  with  us  also, 
but  one  cannot  do  so  against  one's  nature." 

The  conversation  then  turned  on  serious  political 
questions  of  recent  date,  and  Li  Hung  Chang  re- 
marked— 

"I  was  especially  glad  of  my  visit  here,  because  I 
hoped  your  Highness  would  give  me  some  advice." 

"  And  what  advice  is  that  ?  " 

"  What  must  we  do  to  reform  China  ?  " 

"  I  cannot  judge  about  that  from  this  distance,"  was 
the  Prince's  reply. 

Li:  Li  continued,  "How  can  I  be  successful  when 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  175 

every  one  at  home,  the  Government  and  the  country, 
puts  difl&culties,  in  my  way  ?  " 

Bismarck:  "One  cannot  make  headway  against  the 
Court.  Much  is  possible  if  there  is  '  some  sterling  stuff' 
in  the  highest  places ;  if  that  is  wanting,  nothing  can 
be  done.  No  minister  can  rebel  against  the  will  of  the 
Sovereign ;  he  can  only  advise  and  carry  out  orders." 

Li:  "But  if  the  Monarch  is  accessible  to  all  other 
influences,  and  these  latter  always  gain  the  upper  hand  ? 
It  is  the  daily  petty  difficulties  at  Court  which  lame  a 
minister's  power." 

Bismarck :  "  Tout  comme  chez  nous.  I  often  ex- 
perienced the  like,  earlier  in  my  career,  even  from  a 

feminine  quarter " 

Li:  "Yes;    but  yours  was  such  an  exceptionally 
energetic  temperament.      Did  matters  always  go  off 
smoothly  ? " 
Bismarck :  "  Well,  always  with  the  ladies." 
Li:  "But  how  is  one  to  carry  out  the  Sovereign's 
behests  in  critical  times." 

Bismarck  :  "  Only  with  the  support  of  an  army.  The 
army  may  be  small,  quite  small,  perhaps  only  50,000 
strong ;  but  it  must  be  good." 

Li :  "  We  have  the  men,  but  training  is  lacking.  Since 
the  Tai-Ping  rebellion,  which  again  gave  strength  to  the 
present  dynasty — that  is,  thirty  years  ago, — nothing  has 
been  done  towards  training.  I  have  struggled  against 
this  standing  still,  but  in  vain.  I  have  now  seen  the 
best  army  in  the  world,  the  German.  If  even  in  the 
future  I  cannot  employ  those  means  which  are  at  my 
disposal  as  Viceroy,  I  shall  yet  aim  at  realizing  what 
your  Highness  has  advised;  we  must  reorganize,  and 


1/6    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

that  with  Prussian  officers  and  according  to  Prussian 
pattern." 

Bismarck :  "  It  is  not  essential  that  the  army  should 
be  distributed  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  It  is  only 
necessary  that  one  should  have  the  army  at  hand  at 
any  moment,  and  communications  should  be  opened 
up,  so  that  the  army  can  be  moved  quickly  and  easily 
from  one  point  to  another." 

On  turning  to  German  affairs.  Prince  Bismarck  spoke 
approvingly  of  Prince  Hohenlohe,  a  friend  of  thirty 
years'  standing. 

"  We  are  old  friends,"  said  the  Prince.  "  Caprivi 
was  another  one  of  those  who  say, '  It  is  ordered,  and  so 
it  must  be  done.'  Hohenlohe,  on  the  other  hand,  has  an 
independent  opinion,  which  he  maintains  with  foresight 
and  skill." 

Bismarck  also  mentioned  that  he  had  always  taken 
an  interest  in  China,  and  had  endeavoured  to  enter  into 
closer  relations  with  that  country.  Negotiations  to 
that  effect  had  been  commenced  with  Marquis  Tsing 
at  Kissingen,  as  far  back  as  1884.  The  Prince  then 
turned  to  Herr  Detring,  who  sat  opposite  to  him,  and 
asked  how  long  he  had  been  in  China,  and  what  his 
opinion  was  as  to  the  future  of  Germany  in  China. 
Herr  Detring  informed  him  that  considerable  progress 
had  already  been  made,  thanks  to  the  energy  of  the 
German  Consul  von  Seckendorff. 

The  Viceroy  inquired  sympathetically  after  the  health 
of  his  host,  and  asked  him  whether  he  slept  well. 

Bismarck :  "  Frequently  not ;  I  am  often  in  need  of 
a  night's  rest.  ...  I  am  not  so  much  troubled  with  pain 
as  by  the  absence  of  sleep  at  nights.    The  longer  I  can 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  177 

sleep  in  the  morning,  the  better  it  is  for  me  all  day ; 
but  pains  are  often  present." 

Li :  "  But  does  not  Herr  Schweninger  know  of  any 
remedy  against  them  ? " 

"  Oh  yes !  but  the  remedies  are  worse  than  the  pain 
itself,"  said  the  Prince,  with  a  smiling  glance  towards 
his  faithful  doctor. 

In  the  mean  time  lunch  had  come  to  an  end,  and 
pipes  and  cigars  made  their  appearance.  In  the  course 
of  conversation  with  General  Hannecken,  Bismarck, 
referring  to  the  Chinese-Japanese  war,  mentioned  the 
"Kowshing"  explosion,  and  laughingly  reminded  him 
that  he  had  had  a  good  long  swim  on  that  occasion. 
Herr  von  Cranach,  the  painter,  with  whom  the  Prince 
exchanged  a  few  friendly  words,  was  busily  engaged  at 
the  time  in  making  sketches  and  taking  photographs. 
On  noticing  a  white  and  black  ribbon  on  Captain 
Morgen's  coat,  Bismarck  said  to  him — 

"You  surely  cannot  have  received  that  in  France, 
Captain ;  you  are  too  young." 

"  It  is  the  Eed  Eagle  with  swords,"  was  the  answer, 
"  which  his  Majesty  conferred  on  me  for  service  in  the 
Cameroons." 

"  Oh,  that  is  it  I  "  said  the  Prince.  "  I  am  glad  to 
have  an  occasional  African  here." 

Before  his  guests  departed,  the  Prince  requested 
them  to  write  their  names  in  his  album.  The  Viceroy 
filled  a  whole  page  with  Chinese  characters  to  the 
following  effect. 

"Having  heard  with  admiration  of  the  fame  of  the 
greatest  statesman  of  the  present  century  for  more  than 
thirty  years,  it  has  given  me  inexpressible  pleasure  to 


178    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

see  his  Highness  Prince  Bismarck  at  his  seat  in 
Friedrichsruh  during  my  Extraordinary  Embassy  in 
Europe,  and  to  be  able  to  enter  my  name  in  this  book 
as  an  expression  of  this  happy  event." 

The  Secretary  to  the  Embassy,  Li  Feng  Luh,  wrote — 

"  I  congratulate  myself  on  belonging  to  the  Embassy, 
which  affords  me  the  opportunity  of  seeing  the  Bismarck 
of  the  East  in  the  company  of  the  Li  Hung  Chang  of 
the  West." 

The  Viceroy  was  visibly  loth  to  part  from  his  illus- 
trious host,  and  asked  whether  he  was  able  to  walk  much. 

"The  radius  of  my  walks,"  replied  the  Prince, 
"  becomes  smaller  every  year." 

"  And  why  do  you  not  drive  ? "  inquired  Li,  who 
makes  great  use  of  his  bath-chair. 

"  One  must  have  movement,"  answered  Bismarck — 
"  it  is  necessary  for  one's  body  ;  one  must  walk  as  long 
as  one  can." 

Li :  "  Take  pains  to  preserve  your  health  carefully." 

"Please  say  that  again,"  interrupted  Professor 
Schweninger,  who  was  standing  close  by. 

Li:  "I  have  achieved  nothing,  and  can  do  little 
more  in  the  face  of  the  obstacles  which  I  find." 

Bismarck  :  "  You  underestimate  yourself.  Modesty, 
it  is  true,  is  a  very  good  quality  in  a  statesman. 
Politicians,  most  of  all,  must  avoid  too  great  self- 
confidence." 

Li :  "  Your  '  Highness  has  achieved  the  greatest 
successes  by  that  means,  and  can  look  back  with 
contentment  to  your  life." 

Bismarck:  "Here  and  in  China  the  Greek  saying 
applies,  Ta  iravTa  hi—'  Everything  collapses  some  day.' " 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  179 

With  a  hearty  hand-shake,  Li  Hung  Chang  then  took 
leave  of  Prince  Bismarck,  who  had  accompanied  him  to 
the  door  of  the  railway  carriage. 


Friedriohsruh 

September,  1897 

(Narrated  by  Maximilian  Harden  *) 

The  Prince  lives  quietly  in  his  house  in  the  Sachsen- 
wald,  follows  attentively  the  occurrences  of  the  day, 
both  great  and  small,  makes  comments  on  them  accord- 
ing to  his  custom ;  but  leaves  no  doubt  open  that  he 
has  no  wish  whatever  to  offer  ofi&cial  advice  or  sug- 
gestions, or  otherwise  to  interfere  with  the  political 
affairs  of  the  day.  Although  he  meets  the  present 
Government  with  good  will,  as  he  would  any  other 
which  does  not  force  him  to  fend  off  obviously  hurtful 
measures,  still  he  would  not  like  to  be  made  responsible 
for  its  actions,  and  placidly,  though  sometimes  a  little 
bitterly,  expresses  a  wish  "  to  be  left  in  peace."  Mean- 
while, piercing  voices  scream  his  name  on  the  boulevards 
of  Paris,  and  an  editor  of  the  Figaro  mockingly  exclaims 
that  he  would  much  have  liked  to  see  the  face  of  the 
terrible  man  of  blood  and  iron,  on  reading  the  speeches 
made  on  board  the  Pothuau.  Had  this  heart's  wish  of 
M.  de  Eoday  been  gratified,  he  would  have  seen  a  merry 
unclouded  face.  Prince  Bismarck  does  not  find  in  the 
after-dinner  speeches  of  the  Emperor  Nicholas  and  M. 
Felix  Faure  any  definite  proof  of  a  change  in  the  situation, 
created  between  Eussia  and  France  by  the  Anglophile 

*  ZukunfU  Sept.  4,  1897, 


i8o    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

inclinations  of  Caprivism.  He  remarked  on  tlie  subject : 
"  Nations  alliees  are  by  no  means  an  alliance,  and  may 
sometimes  only  be  a  mere  politeness,  a  strengthening 
and  underlining  of  the  unimportant  words  nations  amies ; 
I  remember,  during  my  political  activity,  such  dubious 
interpretations  which  were  not  unwillingly  listened 
to  by  the  parties  concerned.  And  if  an  alliance  had 
really  been  spoken  of,  one  would  first  have  to  know 
its  full  contents  in  order  to  be  able  to  estimate 
its  value  and  importance.  The  people  in  Paris  who 
demand  the  publication  of  the  text  are  not  far  wrong. 
I  do  not  believe  that  the  contents  of  the  treaty,  if 
one  exists  at  all,  would  please  the  French.  In  any 
case  I  have  learnt  that  Eussian  policy  is  always 
very  cautious,  and  I  cannot  think  that  it  would  ever 
embark  needlessly  on  adventures  from  which  it  has 
nothing  to  gain. 

"  Count  Muravieff,  with  whom  I  very  willingly  con- 
sorted officially  and  personally  when  he  acted  as  Charge 
d' Affaires  for  my  friend  Schuvaloff,  passed  as  our  friend, 
and  I  do  not  know  why  he  should  have  changed  his 
opinions.  It  seems  to  me  to-day  that,  in  many  instances, 
people  exaggerate  the  importance  of  journeys,  visits, 
fetes,  toasts — I  might  say,  the  decorative  element  in 
politics.  They  have  sometimes  attempted  to  use  even 
me  decoratively,  like  a  shade  of  colour,  but  I  am  already 
too  old  for  that,  and  hardly  to  be  utilized  for  theatrical 
effects.  M.  Faufe,  who  is  said  to  have  been  a  capable 
merchant — not  at  all  a  bad  school  for  heads  of  State — 
appears  to  be  endowed  with  all  manner  of  useful 
qualities  for  the  new  method  of  travelling-politics : 
he  is  hardened  against  carriage  and  cabin  fatigues,  has 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  i8i 

a  good  stomach,  and  behaves  tactfully  and  cleverly, 
without  harmful  exaggerations  and  excesses  of  eloquence. 
If  it  is  true  that  he  has,  in  dress  coat  and  top  hat, 
greeted  the  Eussian  troops  in  military  fashion — his 
hand  to  his  tall  hat, — such  a  method  of  saluting  was 
certainly  not  correct  for  a  civilian.  He  ought  to  have 
taken  off  his  top  hat,  and,  like  old  Fritz,  paid  the 
compliment  with  his  three-cornered  hat  down  to  his 
saddle.  On  the  whole,  however,  he  has  obviously  got 
well  and  tactfully  out  of  the  affair.  Only  one  must  not 
beHeve  that  pleasant  impressions  and  sympathies  are 
deciding  influences  in  politics;  there,  in  the  end, 
interests  decide,  and,  with  my  experience,  I  cannot  see 
what  interest  the  Eussians,  who  in  political  affairs  are 
generally  very  cautious,  are  to  have  in  coming  to  the 
aid  of  the  French  desire  for  revanche,  so  long  as  we 
do  not  carry  on  quite  unwisely.  Czar's  Hymn  and 
Marseillaise ;  they  do  not  rhyme.  Nevertheless,  the 
French  pipkin  has  now  got  nearer  to  the  fire,  and  may 
boil  over  more  easily  than  ever,  perhaps.  That  ought 
to  rid  our  ruling  masters  of  any  remaining  illusions, 
and  warn  them  against  shifting  the  base  on  which 
our  defensive  strength  rests.  It  is  as  well  that  we 
Germans  can  never  enjoy  the  careless  ease  of  the 
Phseacians,  and  that  the  Parisians,  who  frame  French 
policy,  should  from  time  to  time  awaken  us  from  our  all 
too  beautiful  dreams  by  their  cries.  But  they  cannot 
frighten  us  with  nations  amies  et  alliees :  Eussian 
Emperors  are  nowadays  too  conscientious  to  set  their 
soldiers  in  motion  only  in  order  that  French  vanity 
may  perhaps  find  gratification. 

"The  papers  now  reproach  me  for  having  hurt  the 


1 82    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

Conservative  party  by  an  expression  which  was  pub- 
lished in  a  Vienna  paper.  I  cannot  now  call  this 
expression  to  mind.  I  do  not  know  how  it  got  into 
the  paper,  and  I  assume  that  it  referred  to  events  which 
occurred  at  my  retirement,  and  during  the  discussion  of 
the  first  commercial  treaties.  Of  the  present  leaders 
of  the  Conservatives,  moreover,  I  only  know  a  few  who 
are  on  friendly  terms  with  my  family,  and  whom  I 
naturally  did  not  wish  to  hurt;  nor  do  I  doubt  the 
personal  honour  of  the  others.  But  it  lies  in  the  very 
nature  of  this  party  that  it  is  particularly  easily  infected 
by  the  regrettable  customs  of  party  ambition.  Of&cials 
who  have  seats,  though  they  do  not  really  belong  to 
Parliament,  who  have  to  provide  for  sons,  daughters, 
and  grandchildren,  and  therefore  have  to  have  con- 
siderations,— many  a  one  would  like  to  climb  a  step 
higher  in  the  State ;  and  useful  relationships,  social  and 
military  connections  also  play  a  part.  Add  to  this, 
that  my  equals  in  rank  are  very  comfortable,  do  not 
willingly  overwork  themselves,  or  are  much  occupied 
by  their  agricultural  duties  ;  then  it  is  that  the  hardest 
strivers,  who  prepare  themselves  for  the  sittings,  and 
are  well  up  in  printed  matter,  seize  the  reins,  and  the 
Party  notices,  perhaps  too  late,  that  they  have  reached 
a  '  crooked  plane.'  The  gentlemen  of  the  Kreuzzeitung 
persuasion  made  Ministerial  life  thoroughly  sour  for  me  ; 
I  never  was  their  man,  and  the  worst  insinuations 
always  came  froni  this  side.  They  left  me  in  the  lurch 
when  the  time  came,  first  of  all,  to  put  the  German 
Empire  on  its  legs  before  the  world.  Much  would  have 
been  different  if  I  had  then  had  Conservative  help ;  but 
I  would  much  rather  have  made  a  compact  with  Herr 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  183 

Eichter  than  with  the  friends  of  Nathusius-Ludom  and 
their  kidney.  There  was  much  envy  because  I  had  got 
on  better  than  other  junkers  had,  but  there  was  also 
much  theoretical  narrowness  and  Protestant-jesuitical 
zeal.  On  my  being  sent  away,  the  same  people  again 
had  a  hand  in  the  game:  look  at  .  .  .  and  the  like 
affairs.  How  matters  stand  in  the  Party  to-day,  I  do 
not  know.  Their  outwardly  visible  performances  do 
not  exactly  call  for  admiration  from  me.  I  often 
have  the  feeling  that  these  gentlemen  confuse  the  terms 
'  Government '  and  '  Conservative  ; '  and  I  sometimes 
ask  myself  whether  they  really  know  exactly  what  they 
want  to  conserve. 

"  Incessant  arguments  take  place  in  the  papers  about 
the  increase  of  our  fleet.  Why  such  noise  ?  What  is 
necessary,  according  to  the  opinion  of  sober,  professional 
men,  must  be  granted.  I  believe  we  want  new  cruisers  ; 
but  I  am  very  suspicious  of  parade  ships,  which  are 
only  to  serve  in  marking  our  prestige,  and  which  one 
might  call  lying  ships,  because  they  cannot  do  anything 
when  affairs  become  serious.  As  a  minister  I  lacked 
every  inclination  for  a  policy  of  colonial  conquest  on 
the  French  pattern,  and  it  seems  to  me  as  if  the  present 
time  was  especially  unfavourable  for  that.  Our  trade 
must  find  sufficient  protection  everywhere,  but  the 
flag  must  follow  trade,  not  precede  it.  For  the  present 
time  the  most  important  thing  for  us  is  a  strong  reliable 
army  of  efficient  soldiers,  armed  with  the  best  weapons. 
That  was  also  Moltke's  opinion,  and  he  shared  the 
conviction  with  me,  that  we  shall  have  to  fight  the 
decisive  battles  (for  our  colonial  possessions)  on  the  con- 
tinent of  Europe.     No  stinginess,  therefore,  but  also 


184   Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

no  fantastic  plans,  in  which  we  might  finally  embroil 
ourselves  with  other  people,  important  for  our  European 
situation.     Qui  trop  emhrasse.  .  .  . 

"  I  am  astonished  that  State  assistance  has  not  been 
given  at  once,  orderly  and  rationally,  in  connection 
with  the  inundations.  Private  collections  do  not  make 
a  pleasing  impression.  As  many  and  as  highly  placed 
personages  as  possible  ought  to  show  themselves  at 
once  in  the  affected  districts,  and  talk  kindly  to  the  poor 
people — not  merely  talk,  but  also  have  a  decent  amount 
of  money  in  their  hands.  That  is  the  chief  thing,  quite 
apart  from  the  duties  of  neighbourly  love,  which  the 
State  has  to  exercise;  a  Government  should  lose  no 
opportunity  of  making  itself  beloved  in  the  country. 
And  at  present,  it  seems  to  me,  such  opportunities  ought 
to  be  most  particularly  welcome. 

"  The  Empress  took  a  great  part  in  the  wearing  away 
of  my  nerves.  She  was  herself  of  a  nervous,  unstable, 
and  unquiet  nature,  liked  to  busy  herself  in  politics, 
and  became  fire  and  flames  if  one  did  not,  could  not, 
at  once  agree  to  her  plans.  Our  frictions  were  of  an 
early  date.  When  the  Prince  of  Prussia  was  to  go  to 
England  in  '48,  and  I  wished  to  see  him,  to  advise  him 
urgently  to  remain  in  Potsdam,  when  the  whole  army 
and  a  large  portion  of  the  country  population  were  for 
him,  and  his  journey  would  have  an  evil  effect,  she 
would  not  let  me  see  him.  She  was  excited,  and 
declared  to  me  that  she  must  provide  for  the  future  of 
her  son  before  all  things.  Later  on  I  heard  of  a  curious 
plan  which  was  concocted  in  her  palace.  Herr  von 
Vincke  addressed  me  in  the  Diet,  and  said  he  wished 
to  move  a  resolution  to  entrust  the  Princess  of  Prussia 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  185 

with  the  Eegency ;  what  did  I  think  about  it  ?  First 
of  all  I  asked  why  the  Prince  was  not  to  be  Eegent. 
The  Prince,  opined  Vincke,  had  become  impossible  in 
the  country.  *  Very  well/  said  I ;  '  if  you  move  this, 
I  shall  move  to  have  you  arrested  for  high  treason.' 
The  resolution  fell  through  because  it  had  no  prospect 
of  success  without  the  support  of  the  Extreme  Eight. 
My  relations  with  the  Princess  did  not  improve  thereby, 
and  she  could  never  quite  conceal  a  certain  grudge  against 
me,  even  when  she  became  Queen  and  Empress.  Her 
preference  for  everything  French  and  Catholic  also  had 
an  effect ;  and  at  one  time  there  was  in  her  Court  a 
Camarilla,  which  did  not  always  employ  scrupulous 
means  to  attain  its  object.  I  should  not  have  been 
able  to  do  much  if  my  old  master,  who  moreover  did 
not  suffer  less  than  I  under  these  things,  had  not 
kept  his  ground  at  the  crucial  moment.  But  these 
struggles  tried  the  nervous  system,  especially  when 
the  Queen  sought  to  persuade  him  to  abdicate,  and  I 
had  to  seize  him,  figuratively  speaking,  by  the  sword- 
knot.  I  may  well  say  these  years  of  feminine  warfare 
have  told  more  on  my  health  than  all  open  fighting 
in  Parliament  and  in  the  Diplomatic  Service." 

A  newspaper  had  observed  that  the  old  Chancellor 
would  certainly  go  to  Kiel  shortly  to  christen  a  ship.  The 
Prince  read  the  paragraph  aloud,  and  added,  "  So  ?  People 
still  seem  to  think  that  I  am  like  a  maid  who  once  said 
to  my  wife,  in  Yarzin,  '  I  can  accustom  myself  to  most 
things,  but  not  to  being  alone ! '  I  feel  all  right  at 
home,  and  am  no  longer  fit  for  festivals." 

The  episode  with  Herr  von  Vincke  was  thus  explained 
a  fortnight  later  by  Harden:  The  Prince  of  Prussia 


1 86    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

knew  in  1848  that,  owing  to  unjust  and  unfounded 
suspicions,  he  was  hated  by  a  large  part  of  the  people, 
and,  because  he  was  a  patriot  and  a  Prussian  officer, 
he  was  determined  to  sacrifice  himself,  if  necessary, 
in  order  to  secure  the  threatened  throne  for  his  brother 
Frederick  William ;  but  he  had  not  resigned  his  right 
to  the  throne.  When  Herr  von  Vincke  wished  to 
propose  the  resolution  in  the  Diet,  that  the  Eegency 
should  be  entrusted  to  Princess  Augusta,  passing  over 
her  husband.  Prince  William,  he  turned  to  Bismarck 
with  the  query,  as  to  what  the  Conservative  party  would 
do  if  this  resolution  were  formally  put.  Bismarck 
replied,  "  I  should  at  once  move  the  Diet  that  the  pro- 
poser be  arrested  for  high  treason."  Thereupon  Herr 
von  Vincke  replied,  "  Then  we  cannot  pursue  the 
matter,  for  without  the  assistance  of  the  Extreme  Eight 
we  cannot  get  the  King  to  abdicate ; "  adding  the  words, 
"  We  know  that  a  letter  of  the  Prince  of  Prussia  is  in 
existence  in  which  he  declares  himself  ready  to  abdi- 
cate." Bismarck  retorted,  "  I  know  nothing  about  that ; 
if  we  start  such  notions  we  shall  unsettle  the  only  re- 
maining safe  elements — the  Army  and  the  country 
population — who  fortunately  have  no  idea  of  such 
things."     This  put  an  end  to  Vincke's  plan. 

Another  sentence  also  gave  rise  to  erroneous  inter- 
pretation. Queen  Augusta  did  not  wish  the  King  to 
abdicate  during  the  conflict ;  she  only  wished  him  to 
give  way,  which  in  Bismarck's  eyes  would  have  been 
nothing  less  than  but  surrendering  the  royal  power. 
An  abdication  in  1862  would  only  have  resulted  in 
the  Crown  being  transferred  to  the  Crown  Prince,  who 
had  long  since  reached  his  majority,  whilst  a  renunciation 


Further  Conversations  and  Interviews  187 

of  the  throne  in  1848  would  have  led  to  the  Eegency 
being  handed  over  first  to  Princess  Augusta,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  wishes  of  the  Progressive  party.  Had 
not  Herr  von  Yincke's  project  been  nipped  in  the  bud 
by  Bismarck's  resistance,  William  I.  would  never  have 
become  King  of  Prussia  and  German  Emperor. 


Ill 

BISMARCK  AND   HIS   MASTER 

The  keynote  to  the  Chancellor's  relations  with  his  "  old 
master" — as  he  preferred  to  call  him — is  very  aptly 
struck  by  an  observation  made  by  Colonel  Baron 
Zeddeler,  the  Eussian  military  attache  at  the  royal 
headquarters  in  1870.  This  Eussian  officer  said  that 
Bismarck's  features  invariably  relaxed  and  assumed 
an  almost  tender  expression  when  he  spoke  to  his 
Sovereign. 

Prince  Bismarck  delighted  in  relating  anecdotes  which 
displayed  the  Emperor's  politesse  de  co&ur,  for  though  "  he 
could  also  be  angry  at  times,  yet  he  was  never  wanting 
in  true  politeness.  As  his  Eegency  approached  he  asked 
me  for  written  information  about  every  possible  matter, 
about  parish  discipline,  county  affairs,  and  many  other 
things.  I  gave  him  as  detailed  an  opinion  as  if  I  had 
to  train  my  son  in  political  science,  and  was  only 
privately  afraid '  that  the  Prince  might  laugh  at  the 
elementary  character  of  my  work ;  but  he  was  grateful 
to  me  for  everything,  because  he  always  found  some- 
thing new  in  what  I  said.  Even  as  Eegent  he  wished 
to  be  nothing  but  an  officer  on  duty,  seeking  to  do  his 


Bismarck  and  his  Master  189 

duty  in  the  most  conscientious  manner."  In  truth, 
Bismarck  never  weUried  of  reminding  his  countrymen 
of  the  great  sacrifices  William  I.  had  made  on  the 
altar  of  patriotism. 

On  the  same  occasion  Prince  Bismarck  touched  upon 
the  assembly  of  German  sovereigns  at  Frankfort-on-the- 
Main  in  1863,  and  mentioned  that  at  that  time  the 
situation  was  very  difficult  and  exhausting,  especially 
for  him.  King  William  would  willingly  have  attended 
the  assembly.  "  That  was  only  natural,  as  twenty-five 
sovereigns  had  gathered  together  with  a  King  as  their 
courier !  We  were  then  in  Baden-Baden,  and  the  King 
of  Saxony  came  thither,  so  that  it  was  very  difficult 
to  refuse."  At  length,  after  much  hesitation  and  re- 
flection, the  King  determined  to  decline  the  invitation. 
This  decision  was  arrived  at  during  a  drive  which  he 
took  with  Bismarck.  On  their  return  an  hour  later, 
the  letter  conveying  his  decision  was  written,  and  the 
King  himself  watched  the  sealing  of  the  missive  with 
the  greatest  care,  according  to  his  usual  custom,  stand- 
ing for  the  purpose  behind  Bismarck's  chair.  On  seeing 
that  the  seal  had  been  properly  affixed  he  sat  down,  and 
lying  back  in  the  chair,  said,  "  That  is  well ;  I  cannot 
withdraw  now." 

Bismarck  then  left  the  room  with  the  letter ;  but  his 
nerves  had  suffered  so  greatly  under  the  excitement  of 
the  whole  occurrence,  that  he  tore  off  the  handle  of  the 
door  in  closing  it  behind  him  and  threw  it  aside.  The 
Aide-de-camp  in  waiting  not  unnaturally  inquired 
whether  anything  especial  had  happened  inside  to  ex- 
cite him  so  much.  Bismarck,  who  in  the  mean  time 
had  calmed  down— such  nervous  excitement  is  quickest 


I  go    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

allayed  by  bodily  exertion — replied  that  it  was  all 
right  again. 

"  Had  I  been  such  a  reactionary,  as  I  was  then  always 
accused  of  being,  and  to-day  am  still  considered  to  be 
by  some  people,  we  would  have  gone  to  Frankfort. 
The  '  Bundestag '  reaction,  supported  by  so  and  so  many 
hundred  thousand  bayonets,  would  then  have  been 
realized.  But  I  was  still  acquainted  with  that  re- 
action from  my  childhood,  and  that  kept  me  back.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  I  never  was  a  reactionary." 

The  following  remarks  fell  from  the  Chancellor's  lips 
at  his  wife's  tea-table  on  the  15th  of  June,  1866  : — 

"I  know  the  Prussians,  and  the  Berliners  in  par- 
ticular, like  a  dreier*  and  I  know  that  I  hit  the  right 
nail  on  the  head  when,  as  an  unadulterated  junker,  I 
advised  the  Prussian  National  Assembly  to  reply  to 
every  parliamentary  interpellation  with  a  beat  of  the 
drum.  As  soon  as  the  drum  is  beaten  and  the  bugle 
sounded  amongst  us,  the  rdle  of  the  gentlemen  with 
large  mouths  comes  to  an  end  with  the  bulk  of  the 
population.  The  charm  of  novelty  for  me,  however, 
centres  round  the  events  in  the  salon  of  Countess  X., 
for  I  can  follow  them  well,  since  I  know  that  this  not 
exactly  very  clever  intriguante  is  made  use  of  by  a  lady 
of  high  rank  in  Vienna  for  secret  political  purposes. 
All  these  petty  intrigues,  however,  failed  because  of  the 
upright  character  of  our  most  gracious  Sovereign,  and  I 
am  only  well  j:(leased  that  the  typical  Prussian  Lieu- 
tenant adds  to  his  other  virtues  that  of  leading  the 
younger  members  of  our  society  back  to  the  right  way 
by  the  bond  of  love.  You  can  see  how  good  a  wife  I 
*  A  small  Prussian  coin,  equivalent  to  a  threepenny  bit. 


Bismarck  and  his  Master  191 

have,  since  she  does  not  even  ask  what  is  really  the 
matter  with  the  Countess  in  question." 

In  reply  to  an  observation  made  by  Herr  von  Kleist 
at  the  outbreak  of  the  war  with  Austria,  that  people  were 
of  the  opinion  that  a  Prussian  defeat  was  inevitable, 
and  that  the  result  of  the  campaign  would  be  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  German  Empire  under  Austria, 
Bismarck  retorted — 

"Dear  Hans,  you  are  not  usually  wont  to  be  so 
timorous.  The  Prussian  Army  is  not  to  be  beaten  so 
easily,  and  if  I  thought  that  it  could  be  beaten  at  all, 
I  should  not  have  pursued  the  policy  I  have  done. 
Europe  may  imitate  us  in  everything,  but  what  they 
cannot  copy  is  the  Prussian  Lieutenant.  Moreover, 
I  rely  in  this  respect  entirely  on  his  Majesty,  under 
whose  eyes  the  achievements  of  the  army  will  be 
doubled.  Every  respect  for  the  Austrian  Generals, 
but  they  have  not  got  a  Moltke,  and  up  to  now  they 
have  only  been  able  to  observe  the  effect  of  our  needle 
guns  on  the  Danes." 

On  one  occasion  Prince  Bismarck  related  to  a  couple 
of  Mecklenburg  guests  the  following  story  about  a 
Prince  of  one  of  the  Mecklenburg  families.  In  March, 
1848,  this  young  Prince,  then  an  officer  in  the  Prussian 
Guards,  full  of  martial  zeal,  forced  his  way  into  the 
houses  of  known  demagogues  and  attacked  them,  sword 
in  hand.  "It  was  very  well  meant,"  continued 
Bismarck,  with  dry  humour,  "  but  it  was  not  exactly  a 
suitable  employment  for  a  Prince."  Disgusted  at  the 
weakness  of  the  Government  in  dealing  with  the  in- 
surrection, the  Prince  left  the  service,  and  from  that 
date  pursued  the  Government  with  hatred  and  contempt. 


192    Conversations  with   Prince  Bismarck 

%  The  changes  wrought  by  Bismarck  left  the   Prince's 
opinions  unaltered — nay,  years  afterwards,  he  went  so 
far  as  to  denounce  Bismarck  to  King  William,  asserting  J 
that  he  was  aiming  at  the  King's  life.    "  One  day,"  con-  * 
tinned  the  Chancellor,  "  my  old  master  said  to  me,  *  Do 

you  know,   Bismarck,   what   Prince maintains  ? 

You  plot  against  my  life.  Well,  that  may  be  true, 
you  would  be  the  nearest ! '  'If  your  Majesty,'  said  I, 
'  will  permit  me,  I  would  remind  you  that  your  valet 
and  Aides-de-camp  are  just  as  near  to  you  as  I ;  but  I 
beg  your  Majesty  will  be  always  so  gracious  as  to  tell 
me  candidly  when  I  am  denounced  to  you,  so  that  I 
can  defend  and  clear  myself.'  Then  my  old  master 
laughed :  '  Eeally,  Bismarck,  if  I  were  to  repeat  every- 
thing that  is  brought  forward  against  you,  the  year 
would  not  be  long  enough  ! '  " 

Herr  von  Eynern  thus  describes  the  course  of  the 
conversation  at  a  parliamentary  dinner  given  by  Prince 
Bismarck  on  February  22,  1889  : — 

"  Politics  of  the  day  were  hardly  touched  upon.  The 
Prince  made  a  few  unflattering  remarks  about  the 
questionable  ability  of  the  wordy  professional  politicians 
to  direct  affairs.  Whilst  touching  upon  the  position  of 
a  monarch  in  the  State,  he  praised  a  simple  nature 
w^hich  always  steered  straight  for  the  right  object,  '  such 
as  our  Emperor  possesses,  that  is  the  way  to  advance 
matters.*  Here  he  alluded,  by  way  of  contrast,  to  his 
experiences  in  the  year  1848,  when  Frederick  William 
IV.  allowed  himself  to  be  drawn  hither  and  thither,  and 
when  it  was  possible  to  withdraw  the  troops  from  Berlin 
without  the  King's  orders.  Then  the  Chancellor  referred 
to  the  critical  time  known  as  the  '  Conflictszeit,'  when 

i 


Bismarck  and  his  Master  193 

King  William  was  very  anxious,  and  he  related  the 
following  story:  'When  I  was  appointed  Minister  in 
1862,  I  drove  to  JUterbog  to  meet  the  King,  and  found 
him  in  a  state  of  great  depression.  The  Baden  royalties, 
whom  he  had  just  left,  considered  the  conflict  with  the 
Diet  insoluble,  and  had  besought  him  to  retrace  his 
steps.  The  King  said  to  me,  "You  have  become  a 
Minister,  but  only  in  order  to  mount  the  scaffold 
which  they  are  building  for  you  on  the  Opera  Place; 
I  myself,  as  King,  shall  be  the  next  to  follow 
you." 

" '  The  King  doubtless  hoped  I  should  convince  him 
that  things  were  not  so  black,'  said  Bismarck;  'but 
I  did  the  opposite,  because  I  knew  my  man  to  be 
honourable  and  courageous  in  every  danger.  I  told 
him  that  I  did  not  consider  either  of  these  eventualities 
probable  at  present ;  but  after  all,  even  if  they  should 
happen,  did  it  matter  so  much  ?  We  must  all  die  some 
day,  and  it  was  of  little  importance  whether  it  was  a 
little  earlier  or  later.  I  would  die,  as  was  my  duty, 
in  the  service  of  my  King  and  master,  and  the  King 
would  die  in  the  defence  of  his  holy  rights,  which  was 
his  duty  towards  himself  and  his  people.  It  was 
not  necessary  to  think  at  once  of  Louis  XVI.,  who 
died  an  unpleasant  death,  whilst  Charles  I.  suffered 
death  most  honourably,  as  honourably  as  on  the 
battlefield. 

" '  Whilst  I,'  continued  Bismarck,  '  thus  appealed  to 
the  King  as  a  soldier,  he  became  more  composed  and 
sure  of  himself,  so  that  I  returned  to  Berlin  with  a 
determined  man  with  his  mind  fully  made  up  and 
ready  for  the  fray.'  " 

0 


194   Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

A  few  montlis  later  (May  20),  Bismarck  referred  to 
tlie  good  services  of  Count  Holnstein,  wlio  in  1870  not 
only  provided  the  headquarters  with  good  beer,  but  also 
was  of  great  assistance  in  negotiating  certain  delicate 
affairs  with  Bavaria. 

"  Count  Holnstein  was  very  useful  to  us  in  other 
matters  :  he  carried  on  communications  between  us  and 
King  Louis,  in  which  I  could  make  no  use  of  diplomacy. 
He  stood  close  to  the  King's  person — he  was  Master  of  the 
Horse — and  I  had  to  turn  to  him  in  order  to  be  able  to 
exert  influence  on  the  King  himself.  He  travelled  twice 
quam  citissime  from  Paris  to  Munich,  which  was  no 
small  matter,  for  it  happened  at  a  time  when  some 
twenty  German  miles  had  to  be  traversed  without  a 
railway." 

After  confirming  the  statement  of  a  deputy  that  the 
Bavarians  had  exercised  great  influence  at  Versailles, 
the  Chancellor  continued:  "At  first  I  had  great 
difficulty  in  persuading  my  old  master  to  accept 
the  Imperial  title;  he  was  rather  inclined  to  regard 
it  as  an  ornamental  incumbrance.  'As  Emperor,'  he 
said,  '  I  must  do  what  others  desire,  as  King  I  am 
the  master;  I  was  born  a  King  and  know  what 
that  means,  but  I  do  not  know  what  I  should  be 
as  Emperor.'  He  was  like  a  young  subaltern  of 
ancient  lineage,  who  would  rather  be  called  Count 
than  Lieutenant." 

Bismarck  then  observed  that  he  had  written  to  King 
Louis  to  gain  his  support  in  the  question,  which  was  not 
only  opposed  by  other  sovereigns,  but  also  by  his  old 
master.  He  mentioned  that  since  he  (Kling  Louis)  had 
already  made  so  many  concessions  by  joining  the  Bund, 


Bismarck  and  his  Master  195 

there  was  little  left  for  him  to  concede.  As  matters 
stood,  by  giving  way  he  would  be  yielding  to  the  King 
of  Prussia,  who  in  the  future  would,  to  a  certain 
extent,  have  the  power  of  issuing  orders  to  Bavaria; 
it  would  therefore  be  more  correct  to  make  a  concession 
to  the  'King  of  Prussia  than  to  the  German  Emperor. 
Bismarck  reminded  King  Louis  of  the  German  Emperors 
who  had  come  from  the  House  of  Bavaria,  and  especially 
of  Louis  the  Bavarian — very  much  ad  hominem — and 
also  that  he  (Bismarck)  knew  from  his  own  family  history 
that  Louis  the  Bavarian  had  been  a  well-wisher  to  the 
Bismarcks. 

The  letter  was  written  at  the  dining-table  of  the 
hotel,  and  on  that  account  was  not  quite  correct  in  its 
form.  The  paper  was  of  an  inferior  kind,  and  the 
writing  showed  through  on  the  other  side;  in  this 
condition  it  was  handed  to  Count  Holnstein. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  latter.  King  Louis  was  suffering 
from  toothache,  and  at  first  refused  to  see  him.  The 
Count  sent  in  word  that  he  had  a  letter  from  Bismarck. 
King  Louis  then  let  him  come  in,  and  after  reading  the 
letter,  had  it  read  aloud  a  second  and  a  third  time.  He 
then  remarked,  "  Yes,  it  is  true !  The  King  of  Prussia 
must  become  German  Emperor."  King  Louis  then  de- 
manded from  Bismarck  a  draft  of  the  letter  to  be  sent 
to  the  King  William.  Bismarck  sent  the  draft,  which 
was  approved  of  by  King  Louis  and  forwarded  to  the 
King  of  Prussia. 

At  Friedrichsruh  (February  24,  1895)  mention  was 
made  of  a  saying  of  Schleiermacher  that  princes  who 
wish  to  achieve  much  must  have  a  "phlegmatic 
temperament."     The  Prince,  after  a  thoughtful  pause, 


196    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

remarked  with  a  sigh  that  that  was  entirely  true  of 
his  late  master,  William  I.,  who  in  certain  respects  was 
phlegmatic.  It  was  often  very  difficult  to  convince  him 
or  to  bring  him  to  a  decision,  but  when  he  had  made  up 
his  mind,  "houses  might  have  been  built  on  him." 
"He  had  inherited  a  childlike  temperament  from  his 
mother,  Queen  Louise,  which  he  preserved  pure  as  gold 
to  the  very  last.  Lucidity  and  placidity  maintained 
a  most  beautiful,  harmonious  balance  in  the  Emperor's 
mind  and  temper ;  with  him  truth  stood  above  every- 
thing. During  my  diplomatic  career  I  have  always 
sought  after  truth,  but  sometimes  we  were  both  forced 
by  circumstances  to  depart  publicly  a  little  from 
the  straight  line.  This  was  always  hard  for  the  old 
Emperor ;  he  would  flush  up,  and — I  could  not  look  at 
him,  so  had  to  turn  quickly  aside.  My  old ,  master 
knew  much  happiness  and  also  much  sorrow.  What 
did  he  not  suffer  during  the  'Conflict  Zeit'?"  [1862- 
1866]. 

"  And  your  Highness  too,"  interrupted  a  voice. 

"  I,"  replied  the  Prince,  "  I  was  there  for  that  purpose ; 
but  my  good  master — he  felt  it  bitterly." 

The  following  letter  to  Lieutenant  -  General  von 
Quistorp  contains  a  refutation  of  the  assertions  made 
by  Colonel  von  Lettow  Vorbeck  in  his  "  History  of  the 
War  of  1866,"  that  the  King,  acting  on  the  advice  of 
Prince  Bismarck,  had  issued  orders  forbidding  the 
Prussian  cavalry  'to  pursue  after  the  battle  of  Konig- 
gratz : — 


Bismarck  and  his  Master  197 

"  Varzin,  July  27, 1894. 

"Your  Excellency, 

"  I  thank  you  most  sincerely  for  your  friendly 
letter  of  the  24th,  and  am  prepared  to  answer  your 
question  so  far  as  my  memory  will  sufl&ce. 

"On  the  day  of  the  battle  of  Koniggratz  I  ac- 
companied the  late  King  from  the  time  he  was  greeted 
by  the  sharpshooters  of  the  Guard  at  Langenhof,  and 
I  did  not  leave  the  immediate  vicinity  of  his  person 
again  that  day.  I  did  not  notice,  nor  do  I  believe,  that 
Prince  Albrecht  spoke  to  the  King  about  the  employ- 
ment of  the  cavalry  during  this  time ;  I  am  certain  that 
the  King  did  not  exchange  a  single  word  with  me  on 
this  subject,  and  in  any  case  not  in  consequence  of 
any  remark  made  by  Prince  Albrecht,  which  I  must 
have  heard.  Had  the  matter  been  mentioned  to  me,  I 
should  have  strongly  advocated  the  pursuit;  but  my 
sole  task  was  to  get  the  King  out  of  the  shell-fire, 
which,  so  far,  the  Aides-de-camp  and  doctors  had  vainly 
attempted  to  do.  The  King  did  not  utter  a  single 
word  either  to  me  or  in  my  presence  about  breaking  off 
the  action  or  the  pursuit  of  the  defeated  enemy ;  it  was 
not  my  duty  to  interfere  of  my  own  initiative  with 
advice  or  remarks  on  the  direction  of  the  battle.  Nor 
do  I  believe  that  the  King  said  that  Austria  must 
not  be  driven  to  extremes.  I  had  trouble  enough  at 
Nikolsburg  to  persuade  my  illustrious  master  that  we 
must  deal  gently  with  the  Austrians;  but  on  July  3 
it  lay  far  from  my  thoughts  to  give  expression  to  this 
politically  correct  idea,  and  least  of  all  to  the  King. 
During  the  hours  in  question  it  was  not  possible 
to  ascertain  how  great  a  victory  had  been  achieved. 


198    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

Even  on  the  evening  of  July  3  I  did  not  consider  the 
campaign  ended  by  what  had  taken  place,  and  I  would 
not  have  had  any  military  measures  neglected  to  bring  the 
war  to  a  conclusion  without  the  interference  of  France. 
I  did  not  notice  that  the  King  gave  anybody  whatso- 
ever an  order  which  might  be  construed  as  showing  his 
desire  to  break  off  the  action.     The  King  in  my  com- 
pany met  the  6th  Cuirassiers  and  the  26th  Infantry 
Eegiment,  which,  with  a  rifle  battalion,  whose  ranks 
were  being  effectively  shelled,   stood   nearest  to   the 
Austrian   artillery  fire  as   far  as   I   could  make  out. 
Shortly  afterwards  I  was  surprised  to  see  the  Cuirassiers 
turn  about  and  ride  back  to  their  bivouac.     I  rode  up 
to  Colonel  von  Eauch,  commanding  the  Brandenburg 
Cuirassiers,  and  asked  him  the  meaning  of  this  move- 
ment.    He  said  that  orders  for  the  retreat  had  been 
given,  and  mentioned  the  number  of  men  and  horses 
he  had  lost  by  the  artillery  fire.     I  replied,  'I  have 
observed,  with  regret,  your  losses  in  your  immediate 
neighbourhood,   and  I  thought  you  would  now  ride 
forward   to    see    where    the   shells   came  from.'      He 
then  informed  me  that  the  horses  had  had  nothing 
to  eat  since  4  a.m.,  and  were  much  fatigued ;  moreover, 
he  could  do  nothing  except  what  he  was  ordered  to  do. 
The  'Halt!'  had  been  sounded,  and  he  had  received 
orders  to  return  and  bivouac.     I  saw  the  6th  and  other 
Cuirassier  regiments  march  past  to  the  rear,  and  had 
the  private  feeling  that  we  had  carried  our  manoeuvre 
customs  to  the  battlefield,   by  which   '  Cease  fire '  is 
sounded  as  soon  as  the  field  day  has  reached  the  ap- 
pointed stage.     I  was  surprised  by  the  order  for  the 
retirement  of  the  cavalry,  and  do  not  know  who  issued 


Bismarck  and  his  Master  199 

it ;  if  it  had  been  issued  by  the  King  direct  I  must  have 
heard  of  it,  as  I  was  not  more  than  a  horse's  length 
away  from  him  during  all  this  time.     I  can  only  say 
that  what  I  observed  surprised  and  deeply  affected  me. 
***** 
"  Mindful  of  our  mutual  experiences, 

"  I  remain,  Your  Excellency, 
"  Most  sincerely, 

"V.  Bismarck." 

Though  some  authorities  have  asserted  at  times  that 
Bismarck  intended  to  build  a  golden  bridge  for  the 
beaten  enemy  on  the  field  of  Koniggratz,  it  is  not 
correct.  The  idea,  however,  which  lent  probability  to 
the  statement  was  one  which  Bismarck  had  formulated 
long  ago  in  the  old  Frankfort  days,  and  had  discussed 
in  all  its  details  with  his  royal  master.  If  Bismarck 
said,  "  The  only  question  now  is  to  regain  our  old 
friendship  with  Eussia,"  after  Moltke  had  told  the 
King  of  his  conviction  that  the  resistance  of  the 
Austrian  Army  was  broken,  this  was  not  said  because 
he  considered  such  an  admonition  necessary  on  account 
of  his  anxiety  lest  the  King  in  the  triumph  of  victory 
should  change  his  mind,  but  for  very  different  reasons. 

"  The  King  was  so  shaken,  so  deeply  moved  in  his 
extremely  noble  and  gentle  nature,  that  whilst  others 
were  not  able  to  suppress  their  victorious  joy,  he  was 
sad  and  depressed  at  the  thought  of  how  heavily  the 
defeat  must  fall  on  Austria  and  the  Emperor  Francis 
Joseph,  the  loss  of  the  hegemony  of  Germany  rather 
than  the  loss  of  the  battle  as  such. 

"  This    feeling    I  wished   to   lessen,   and   therefore 


200    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

reminded  him  that  Austria  would  raise  herself  again 
at  our  hands." 

It  was  once  mentioned  to  Bismarck,  that  the  old 
Emperor  was  represented  to  have  been  completely  under 
the  influence  of  his  Chancellor — a  mere  puppet,  so  to 
speak,  in  his  hands. 

"  Nothing,"  rejoined  Bismarck  with  warmth,  "  is  more 
incorrect  than  this  belief  and  representation.  William  I. 
was  anything  but  an  '  easy-going '  master.  He  was 
uncommonly  tenacious  of  his  opinions,  traditions,  pre- 
judices, and  it  was  always  a  tough  piece  of  work  to 
convince  him  of  the  necessity  of  taking  a  new  departure. 
How  many  times  have  I  been  to  him  in  the  expectation 
of  returning  with  his  consent  and  signature,  and  have 
come  away  disappointed.  And  more  than  once  a  long 
consultation,  at  which  I,  with  the  best  of  intentions, 
could  advance  no  further,  ended  with  these  words  from 
the  King :  *  Now  you  have  convinced  me,  and  I  believe 
you  are  right ;  but  leave  me  another  day  or  two  to 
reflect  further  and  think  over  the  matter.  I  should 
like  to  protect  myself  against  even  the  possibility  of 
hastiness.'  But  if  my  dead  master  was  not  'easy- 
going,' if  he  was  not  easy  to  convince,  he  possessed 
one  quality  which  stands  above  all  others:  he  was 
truthful  down  to  the  most  minute  detail.  I  always 
knew  how  I  stood  with  him;  if  he  declared  himself 
convinced,  he  really  was ;  and  when  he  had  given  his 
consent  to  a  measure,  he  did  not  hesitate  another 
moment  in  executing  it,  for  no  power  could  have  after- 
wards changed  or  made  him  waver.  Never  in  his  life 
did  he  leave  me  in  the  lurch ;  in  this  respect  he  was 
truly  a  knight  and  a  hero." 


Bismarck  and  his  Master  201 

In  reply  to  an  observation  that  his  opportunities 
of  discussing  difficult  questions  with  reigning  sove- 
reigns must  have  facilitated  his  tasks,  Bismarck 
replied — 

"  That  does  not  apply  without  limitations,  and  as  a 
diplomat  I  would  rather  enlarge  the  scope  and  say  that 
negotiations  with  leading  statesmen  are  preferable  to 
those  with  reigning  sovereigns.  If,  for  instance,  a 
minister  comes  to  me  with  some  historical  or  documen- 
tary error,  I  can,  if  I  am  acquainted  with  the  real  facts, 
say  to  him  without  more  ado,  *  My  colleague,  you  are 
in  error  here ;  your  memory  has  left  you  in  the  lurch 
this  time;  the  affair  stands  thus.'  But  when  a  king 
maintains  some  erroneous  statement,  and  even  assures 
me  that  he  was  present  on  the  occasion,  or  that  he  had 
promised  his  father  on  his  death-bed  never  to  concede 
this  or  that,  I  am  placed  in  check  and  must  withdraw 
my  piece,  although  I  know  that  my  opponent  has  made 
a  false  move." 

The  Prince  then  related  two  humorous  and  drastic 
instances,  in  which  negotiations  with  crowned  heads 
had  fallen  through,  because  they  had  sought  to  put  him 
in  the  wrong  by  false  promises. 

"  Of  course,"  he  added,  "  they  did  not  do  so  against 
their  better  knowledge ;  but  kings  are  so  accustomed  to 
see  everything  they  say  accepted  as  incontrovertible 
truth  that  they  easily  fall  into  the  danger  of  thinking 
that  they  have  really  done  that  which  they  wisely  ought 
to  have  done." 

Bismarck  at  first  was  in  lively  opposition  to  Prince 
William — who  in  later  years  was  to  be  his  "  old  master  " 
— when  the  Imperial  dignity  was  offered  to  Frederick 


202    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

William  TV.  Prince  William  urged  his  brother  to 
accept  the  offered  crown,  which  the  latter  very  nearly 
did ;  whilst,  as  Bismarck  later  on  related,  "  I  used 
the  little  influence  I  then  possessed  to  create  a  feeling 
against  the  project.  I  had  to  bring  forward  considera- 
tions for  Austria,  which  were  by  no  means  decisive  for 
me.  I  did  not  want  the  thing,  for  such  a  crown  is  only 
secure  when  one  has  placed  it  on  one's  head  one's  self. 
What  would  the  situation  of  a  German  Emperor  have 
been,  if,  at  the  first  conflict  with  Parliament,  some  re- 
presentative from  Krahwinkel  and  the  neighbourhood 
had  said  to  him,  '  We  have  given  you  the  crown ;  now 
be  decently  grateful  and  polite ! '  And  even  if  one  had 
been  inclined  to  put  up  with  such  like,  the  affair  would 
not  have  been  successful,  because  with  a  new  Germany 
— a  mere  quicksand  ! — Prussia  would  have  slipped  out 
of  our  fingers." 

The  idea  of  King  William's  abdication  (1862)  was 
due  to  the  opposition  which  his  favourite  project,  the 
reform  of  the  Prussian  military  system,  encountered 
from  the  representatives  of  the  nation,  who  either  did 
not  know,  or  purposely  misunderstood,  his  intentions. 
The  catch-word  "militarism"  dominated  the  situation 
in  the  Landtag.  On  assuming  the  Eegency  he  had 
adopted,  as  his  object,  the  idea  that  Prussia  must  make 
moral  conquests  in  Germany ;  but  he  never  laid  aside 
the  idea  that  a  strong  army  was,  above  all,  essential  for 
Germany.  This 'was  in  accordance  with  what  he  wrote 
to  General  von  Natzmer  in  1849 :  "  He  who  wishes  to 
rule  Germany,  must  conquer  it ;  it  cannot  be  managed 
a  la  Gagern."  Another  method  he  did  not  find,  and 
could  not  find,  because  there  is  no  other  method.    And 


Bismarck  and  his  Master  203 

thus  an  apparently  unsurmountable  barricade  blocked 
his  way. 

Bismarck  thus  described  the  situation :  "  The  King 
did  not  know  of  any  other  way  out  of  it.  His  con- 
science rebelled  against  the  conflict;  magnanimous  as 
he  was  to  the  last  degree,  he  preferred  to  sacrifice  him- 
self. On  my  going  to  him  at  Babelsberg,  his  abdication 
lay  on  the  table.  He  was  tired,  and  I  had  the  greatest 
difficulty  in  convincing  him  that  his  abdication  would 
rather  aggravate  than  ameliorate  the  situation,  as  indeed 
it  would  have  done.  The  coach  was  in  a  ditch ;  not  by 
his  fault,  but  by  that  of  the  ministers  of  the  last  few 
years.  Every  one  was  ready  with  advice,  especially  the 
quacks  who  wanted  to  effect  a  cure  with  camomile  tea 
when  nothing  but  an  operation  would  do  any  good." 

About  this  date  Bismarck  was  in  the  Pyrenees,  from 
whence  he  was  summoned  to  Berlin  by  a  telegram  from 
Eoon.  "  I  will  not  keep  out  of  the  way,"  he  replied,  "  for 
I  will  not  be  guilty  of  cowardice."  But  at  the  same 
time  he  wrote  to  his  wife,  "There  must  be  a  decision 
now,  or,  come  what  may,  I  shall  resign." 

The  conversation  between  King  William  and  Bis- 
marck on  the  20th  of  September,  1862,  became  the 
turning  point  of  the  history  of  Prussia  and  Germany — 
nay,  of  the  whole  world. 

"Up  to  that  date,"  said  Bismarck,  "we  had  not 
quite  understood  each  other.  I  had  thought  the  King 
to  be  more  undecided  than  he  was  in  reality,  and  he 
considered  me — well,  somewhat  of  a  political  rowdy; 
but  a  quarter  of  an  hour  sufficed  to  convince  us  that  we 
were  both  in  the  wrong.  I  do  not  know  how  it 
happened  ;  I  suddenly  felt  complete  confidence  in  him 


204   Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

and  he  in  me.  Previous  to  the  interview  I  had  care- 
fully written  out  the  only  conditions  under  which  I 
would  take  the  reins  into  my  hands,  but  I  did  not  take 
the  paper  from  my  pocket,  and  on  reaching  home  the 
first  thing  that  I  did  was  to  tear  it  up. 

"  But  you  should  have  seen  the  change  in  the  whole 
being  of  the  King.  As  I  entered  he  seemed  so  aged  and 
broken,  that  my  heart  warmed  to  him  and  my  eyes 
perhaps  also,  I  do  not  exactly  remember  now — but  I" 
realized  that  what  the  man  wanted  was  for  the  best  1 
Nor  do  I  remember  exactly  what  I  really  said  to 
him;  whatever  it  was,  it  came  from  my  heart,  and 
he  drew  himself  up  and  became  so  stately  and  erect 
that  it  was  a  pleasure  to  see  him,  a  King  again  in  very 
truth.     From  that  moment  I  was  his,  body  and  soul." 

The  implicit  trust  and  confidence  with  which  the 
Emperor  William  inspired  his  Chancellor  alone  enabled 
the  latter  to  cope  with  the  ever-increasing  burden  of 
work  and  cares  with  which  he  was  at  times  over- 
whelmed. 

Shortly  after  Bismarck  had  begged  the  Emperor  (at 
the  end  of  March,  1884)  to  allow  him  to  resign  the 
direction  of  German  domestic  affairs,  he  explained  his 
position  as  follows  to  a  member  of  the  Eeichstag : — 

"  I  am  seventy  years  old,  my  nerves  are  out  of  order, 
and  I  have  not  time  to  nurse  myself.  How  can  I  think 
about  injured  feelings  and  little  particularist  jealousies 
when  it  is  my  duty  to  watch  the  course  of  affairs  every- 
where? Telegraphy  has  multiplied  my  work  in  the 
Imperial  Chancellerie  to  a  terrible  extent.  Germany  is 
interested  in  whatever  happens  at  Rome,  Madrid, 
Vienna,  Pesth,  Petersburg,  Paris,  London,  New  York, 


Bismarck  and  his  Master  205 

Washington,  Hue,  Tamatave,  Melbourne,  Sydney,  Cairo, 
and  Khartoum.  I  must  look  upon  the  world  as  a  chess- 
board, and  see  how  an  event  anywhere  can  affect 
German  interests  directly  or  indirectly.  Formerly  a 
Chancellor  only  needed  to  be  conversant  with  the  lead- 
ing personalities  at  the  European  Courts,  whereas  now 
he  must  be  acquainted  with  the  parties,  wirepullers, 
financiers,  and  the  tendencies  of  public  opinion,  and  act 
quickly  on  information  despatched  in  haste  and  received 
by  telegraph.  In  order  to  be  able  to  generalize  quickly, 
his  eye  should  be  everywhere,  and  his  knowledge  very 
extensive  and  exact.  The  position  of  Chancellor  is  no 
sinecure,  and  the  duties  might  well  overtax  the  powers 
of  a  younger  man.  If  the  Emperor  did  not  support  me 
in  everything,  I  should  not  be  able  to  get  through  with 
my  work." 

One  day  when  a  guest  was  rather  slow  in  drinking 
champagne  (Moet  et  Chandon,  White  Star),  Bismarck 
pointed  to  the  half-empty  bottle  and  said,  "  We  must 
finish  it.  Never  in  my  life  have  I  allowed  a  cham- 
pagne bottle  to  quit  my  table  otherwise  than  empty. 
My  old  master  was  very  different.  When  he  was 
alone  at  meals  he  always  had  a  half-bottle  of  Bordeaux 
and  a  half-bottle  of  champagne  standing  in  front  of  him. 
He  generally  finished  the  Bordeaux,  but  only  rarely 
the  champagne ;  the  remainder  he  used  to  lock  up  him- 
self for  use  the  following  day.  He  was  one  of  the  old 
school  who  never  drank  iced  champagne,  but  allowed  the 
cork  to  fly  out  with  a  bang."  In  spite  of  such  little 
traits  of  exactness  and  economy,  the  old  Emperor  was 
by  no  means  miserly,  but  was  a  "  generous  and  aristo- 
cratic gentleman."    It  was  also  true  of  him  that  only 


2o6   Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

with  difficulty  could  he  bear  to  part  with  tried  advisers 
and  servants  :  this  also  applied  to  time-honoured  articles 
of  daily  use,  especially  as  regards  his  coats  and  trousers. 
At  times  no  small  amount  of  ingenuity  was  required  on 
the  part  of  his  attendants  to  smuggle  some  new  garment 
into  the  Emperor's  toilette  without  his  noticing  it,  to 
replace  some  cherished  but  wholly  unserviceable  article.  « 
If  he  noticed  the  change,  an  outburst  of  temper  followed  I 
at  once,  and  the  intervention  of  the  Empress  was 
necessary  before  he  could  be  brought  to  wear  the  re- 
jected garment.  "I  can  sympathize  with  him,  for  I 
too  am  much  attached  to  what  is  old  and  accustomed. 
If  a  house  on  one  of  my  estates  becomes  ruined,  I  do  not 
have  it  torn  down  at  once,  but  prefer  to  build  another 
one  close  to  it.  My  employes  and  servants  are  to  me  I 
like  those  of  the  old  Emperor.  I  part  unwillingly  with  ' 
my  people,  and  rather  put  up  with  all  kinds  of  irregu- 
larities, often  very  bad  ones,  than  make  a  change  and  i 
accustom  myself  to  new  faces.  I  receive  many  an  un-  * 
pleasant  impression  of  this  or  that  one,  many  a  report 
or  accusation  which  do  not  please  me,  yet  I  think  it 
over  well  before  I  dismiss  him  and  take  a  new  man  in 
his  place.  To  my  recollection  I  have  never  really  given 
any  one  notice  or  dismissed  him  except  for  disobedience ; 
in  that  case  he  has  to  go."  The  desire  to  retain  old 
employes  and  old  servants  as  long  as  possible  was  more- 
over a  peculiarity  of  the  Bismarck  family.  At  the  time 
Bismarck  took  -over  the  Schonhausen  estate,  he  found 
men  there  who  were  serving  in  the  castle  for  the  third 
generation.  A  farm  superintendent  had  been  sixty  years 
in  the  service  of  the  family.  His  own  father  had  brought 
back  from  the  Eheingau  after  the  campaign  of  1792  a 


Bismarck  arid  his  Master  207 

huntsman  named  Jode,  who  was  kept  on  a  long  time, 
and  then  given  the  inn  in  the  village  of  Schonhausen. 
This  Jode  was  the  first  to  take  him  (the  Prince)  out 
shooting,  and  he  still  remembered  him  quite  well.  The 
old  huntsman  possessed  to  a  high  degree  the  peculiarity 
of  old  servants  who  consider  themselves  to  be  quite  on 
a  confidential  footing  with  their  master.  This  one  re- 
peatedly boasted  to  him,  "  Your  father  and  I,  we  shall 
get  soaked  and  dry  again  out  here  in  the  summer." 
"  To  this  day  I  still  pay  a  pension  to  a  steward  who 
served  our  family  for  more  than  fifty  years — they  are 
the  old  relations.  To-day  it  is  different ;  railways  and 
the  modern  trend  of  the  country  population  towards 
large  towns  have  done  away  with  all  that." 


1 


IV 

BISMARCK  ON  POLITICS 


It  was  some  time  before  Prince  William  of  Prussia 
and  Bismarck  understood  each  other.  Their  differences, 
however,  did  not  rest  on  want  of  personal  sympathy, 
but  on  real  difference  of  opinion.  Prince  William  was 
at  first  very  accessible  to  English  influence — later  on 
to  Eussian — whilst  Bismarck  was  opposed  to  both. 
Even  when  the  Prince  was  appointed  Eegent  in  1858, 
he  was  more  inclined  to  Boon  and  Moltke,  because  his 
mind,  chiefly  devoted  to  military  matters,  quickly 
realized  their  worth,  than  to  Bismarck,  whom  he  sent  to 
Petersburg  as  Ambassador.  Meanwhile,  the  idea  of  en- 
trusting Bismarck  with  the  post  of  a  leading  minister 
came  as  early  as  1860.  Bismarck  then  wrote  to  his 
elder  brother  Bernhard,  "  Were  I  to  go  readily  into  the 
galley,  I  should  be  an  ambitious  fool;  every  great 
embassy,  even  that  of  Petersburg,  which,  apart  from 
climate,  is  the  pleasantest  of  them  all,  is  a  paradise 
in  comparison  to  the  slavery  of  a  minister's  work  of  to- 
day, especially  that  of  the  Exterior.  But  if  a  pistol  is 
held  at  my  head  with  yes  or  no,  I  have  a  feeling 
that  to  say  no  under  the  existing  really  difficult  and 


Bismarck  on  Politics  209 

responsible    circumstances,    would    be    to    commit    a 
cowardly  action. 

"  In  short,  I  am  honourably  doing  all  I  can  to  keep  to 
St.  Petersburg  unmolested,  even  to  watch  from  there 
the  development  of  affairs  with  resignation ;  but,  never- 
theless, if  a  ministerial  mount  is  brought  round  for  me, 
anxiety  about  the  condition  of  his  legs  will  not  prevent 
me  from  riding." 

Whilst  every  other  German  politician  in  1856  was 
debating  as  to  whether  it  would  be  more  advantageous 
for  Germany  to  lean  on  the  Western  Powers — the 
chief  representative  of  this  view  being  Prince  William 
of  Prussia — or  on  Eussia — the  policy  of  Frederick 
William  IV.,  and  the  Kreuzzeitung  party — Bismarck 
was  already  raising  the  banner  of  a  new  Prussian- 
German  policy.  The  necessity  of  this  departure  was 
demonstrated  by  a  report  of  Bismarck's  to  Manteuffel, 
dated  the  26th  of  April,  1856,  which,  perhaps,  shows 
more  clearly  than  any  other  document  the  extent  and 
correctness  of  Bismarck's  insight  into  the  future. 

In  this  report  he  contends  that  an  alliance  between 
Russia  and  France  may  certainly  be  expected  in  the 
future,  for,  since  the  collapse  of  the  Holy  Alliance, 
these  two  nations  are  no  longer  separated  by  any  diver- 
gent principles,  but  are  rather  thrown  into  each  other's 
arms  by  many  circumstances.  Germany,  therefore,  has 
the  more  reason  to  take  the  solution  of  the  German 
question  into  consideration.  The  sooner  this  be  done, 
the  sooner  the  two  German  Powers  could  hold  their 
own  against  the  East  and  West.  "According  to  the 
Viennese  policy,"  the  report  continues,  "  Germany  is 
too  small  for  us  two.      German  dualism,  during  the 

P 


210    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

last  600  years,  and  notably  since  Charles  V.,  has 
always  settled  its  internal  relations  by  a  thorough-going 
domestic  war.  And  even  in  this  century  no  remedy 
but  this  one  will  be  able  to  set  the  clock  of  develop- 
ment at  the  right  hour."' 

In  after-years  Bismarck  has  often  been  reproached 
that  he  was,  politically  speaking,  "  living  from  hand  to 
mouth,"  and  that  he  had  only  aimed  at  and  seized  the 
object  nearest  to  hand.  True  it  is  that  he  grasped  what 
was  nearest,  as  every  practical  politician  does  and  must 
do,  but  only  when  this  led  towards  the  remote  object 
which  he  never  lost  sight  of.  It  is  the  chief  merit 
of  Bismarck's  foreign  policy  that  he  always  realized 
correctly  and  consistently  pursued  his  objective  and  the 
road  leading  to  it,  in  the  main  essentials,  though  not  in 
every  detail,  for  that  is  impossible.  "I  do  not  even 
bear  a  grudge,"  he  remarked  (perhaps  referring  to  an 
observation  of  Albert  Trager's  that  the  unity  of  Ger- 
many had  fallen  into  his  lap  like  a  ripe  fruit),  "  to  those 
who,  in  looking  backwards,  see  everything  lying  in 
beautiful  order  before  them,  and  think  that  all  hap- 
pened as  it  did  because  it  was  bound  to.  When  a  ship 
gets  into  port  safely,  only  those  who  have  been  on 
board  can  tell  of  the  storms  she  has  passed  through. 
Certainly  those  who  have  whistled  to  invoke  the  storm 
may  also  know  something  about  it.  But  things  like 
these  are  easily  forgotten." 

Later  on,  ill  discussing  the  obstinate  resistance 
offered  to  his  policy  by  those  who  would  not,  could  not, 
be  convinced  of  its  soundness  until  the  thunder  of  the 
victorious  Prussian  guns  at  Koniggratz  drowned  their 
voices,  the  Chancellor  remarked — 


Bismarck  on  Politics  2 1 1 

"  There  again  you  have  an  excellent  proof  that  success 
is  the  only  criterion  for  the  great  multitude  of  average 
people.  Since  things  turned  out  well  for  us,  every- 
one acclaims  me  with  applause ;  had  the  contrary  been 
the  case,  they  would  have  stoned  me,  or  rather  my 
memory,  for  I  should  never  have  returned  alive.  I 
would  have  entered  a  Prussian  regiment  and  got  myself 
shot.  And  yet  even  then  no  blame  ought  really  to 
have  been  fastened  on  to  me,  since  in  military  matters 
I  had  to  rely  on  Eoon  and  Moltke.  But  of  course  I 
should  have  been  the  scapegoat ! " 

Bismarck  was  transferred  from  St.  Petersburg  to  the 
Paris  Embassy  in  May,  1862.  Whereas  the  representa- 
tives of  the  Powers  almost  grovelled  in  the  dust  before 
Napoleon  III.,  Bismarck  held  his  head  upright.  On 
one  occasion  the  Emperor  proposed  a  close  understand- 
ing with  Prussia,  whereby  the  latter  was  to  annex 
Hanover  and  Schleswig-Holstein,  whilst  France  was  to 
be  compensated  at  the  expense  of  Belgium  and  Luxem- 
burg. Bismarck  replied  that  he  was  glad  to  be  the  one 
to  receive  this  communication,  since  he  was  perhaps 
the  only  diplomat  who  would  take  the  personal  res- 
ponsibility of  concealing  it  from  his  Sovereign  ! 

Bismarck  repeatedly  referred  to  Napoleon's  per- 
sonal amiability  towards  him.  "  Once  he  became  quite 
oriental;  he  confided  to  me  that  he  wished  to  find 
me  a  mistress,  and  seemed  to  disbelieve  me  when  I 
told  him  that  I  neither  required  nor  desired  one.  He 
was  not  able  to  grasp  the  idea  of  German  family  life. 
The  Empress  certainly  could  not  give  him  any  real 
impression  of  the  family.  She  could  be  extremely 
amiable,  nevertheless,  and  when  she  made  use  of  this 


212    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

faculty  towards   me   I   always  felt  that  I  had   to  be 
doubly  on  the  qui  vive." 

"  Nothing  is  so  stupid,"  remarked  the  Chancellor  one 
day,  "  that  it  cannot  find  supporters,  if  it  is  only  brought 
forward  with  the  necessary  aplomb."  Then,  referring  to 
the  Schleswig-Holstein  affair,  he  said,  "  Considered  from 
the  diplomatic  point  of  view,  that  was  a  nut  on  which 
one  might  easily  have  broken  one's  teeth.  I  had  no 
anxiety  about  the  Danes,  since  it  was  to  be  taken  for 
granted  that  they  would  commit  a  folly;  and  it  was 
only  necessary  to  create  a  favourable  situation  up  till 
that  should  take  place. 

"  Austria  had  to  be  made  to  understand  that  she  would 
forfeit  all  sympathy  if  she  did  not  go  along  with  us.  The 
gratitude  of  Eussia  for  the  service  which  w^e  had  rendered 
her  when  Austria  wished  to  mobilize  Germany,  had  to 
be  re-awakened ;  and  England  had  to  be  isolated,  so  that 
she  might  restrict  herself  to  threats,  as  she  always  does 
-  when  no  one  will  fetch  the  chestnuts  out  of  the  fire  for 
her.  Each  single  act  was  in  itself  a  trifle,  but  the  diffi- 
culty lay  in  getting  them  all  to  fit  in  together.  Our 
parliamentarians  demanded  of  me  that  I  should  explain 
the  motives  of  my  policy  to  them.  If  at  that  time  I 
had  only  told  them  a  portion  of  what  I  am  saying  now, 
I  should  have  made  the  whole  affair  impossible  from 
the  very  beginning." 

As  a  matt,er  of  fact,  the  successes  of  1864  did 
not  diminish  the  want  of  confidence  with  which 
German  politicians,  or  rather  the  majority,  regarded 
Bismarck. 

Whilst  the  diplomatic  difficulties  which  Bismarck 
had  to  encounter  before  Koniggratz  could  be  brought 


Bismarck  on  Politics  213 

about,  were  certainly  not  inconsiderable,  they  were 
almost  surpassed  by  those  evoked  by  the  new  situation 
afterwards.  Napoleon's  energies  were  galvanized  into 
feverish  activity  in  order  to  obtain  advantages  from  the  ' 
Prussian  victories.  He  intrigued  with  both  combatants. 
Austria  was  to  regain  her  lost  Italian  possessions  in 
return  for  the  left  bank  of  the  Ehine ;  whilst  Prussia  . 
at  the  same  price  might  annex  the  whole  of  North 
Germany  and  found  a  new  German  union.  Bene- 
detti,  who  acted  as  intermediary,  was,  under  no  circum- 
stances, to  depart  from  these  conditions.  Bismarck, 
however,  retorted  with  the  threat  to  conclude  peace 
with  Austria  at  once,  and  to  reconquer  Alsace  with  the 
armies  of  both  States.  "  Both  our  armies  are  ready ; 
yours  is  not.  You  yourself  can  imagine  the  conse- 
quences !  Draw  the  attention  of  his  Majesty  the 
Emperor  to  the  fact  that  such  a  war  might,  under 
certain  circumstances,  become  a  war  with  revolutionary 
thunderclaps ! " 

"  This  was  a  jet  of  cold  water,"  observed  Bismarck, 
in  relating  this  incident,  "  which  did  not  fail  to  effect 
its  object.  But  one  had  to  be  prepared  for  anything 
with  Napoleon,  for  already  at  that  time  he  felt  his 
throne  trembling,  and  would  willingly  have  glued  a 
pair  of  nice  new  legs  on  to  it,  in  the  shape  of  the  left 
bank  of  the  Ehine — Belgium  and  Luxemburg.  This 
was  the  cause  of  the  rapid  progress  of  the  peace  negoti- 
ations with  Austria.  No  man  could  know  how  long  I 
should  be  successful  in  my  dilatory  treatment  of  the 
negotiation  with  France.  Napoleon's  foolishness  in 
placing  his  demands  in  writing  in  our  hands  was  cer- 
tainly an  unexpected  gain." 


214   Conversations  with  Prince   Bismarck 

Yet  Napoleon's  intervention  had  achieved  some 
tangible  result,  for  even  at  that  date  Bismarck  would 
have  liked  to  create  a  stronger  tie  between  North  and 
South  Germany.  But  time  was  lacking  for  the  com- 
pletion of  the  tedious  negotiations  which  would  have 
been  necessary  to  effect  that  object. 

"  With  a  few  of  the  Southern  States  it  would  have 
been  successful,  and  I  was  certain  of  Bavaria  in  par- 
ticular. But  it  behoved  us  to  do  .all  or  nothing — no 
patchwork.  It  was  also  difficult  for  me  to  keep  his 
Majesty  the  King  away  from  those  who  wished  to  com- 
mit him  to  annexations  in  South  Germany.  I  am 
otherwise  not  exactly  an  enemy  to  annexation  whenever 
necessary,"  the  Chancellor  remarked,  with  a  hearty 
laugh ;  "  but  in  this  case  I  fought  against  it  tooth  and 
nail.  If  ever  I  was  right,  it  was  in  doing  this.  We 
should  never  have  been  able  to  build  a  bridge  over  the 
Maine  if  we  had  crossed  it  in  1866  provided  with  pots  of 
black  and  white  *  paint." 

Before  the  commencement  of  the  war  of  1866,  Bis- 
marck had  left  no  stone  untui^ned  to  allay  the  "  Con- 
stitutional Conflict "  by  German  parliamentarians  with 
the  leading  agreement,  but  without  success.  On  the 
conclusion  of  that  glorious  campaign  the  Chancellor 
used  his  utmost  endeavours  to  overcome  the  determined 
opposition  of  the  King  to  the  Bill  of  Indemnity  with 
which  Bismarck  proposed  to  come  to  an  understanding 
with  the  representatives  of  the  people. 

"  I  was  never  quite  able  to  convince  the  King,  who, 
with  all  his  honest  affection  for  Prussia  and  afterwards 
for  Germany,  invariably  felt  himself  to  be  the  ruler 
*  The  national  colours  of  Prussia, 


Bismarck  on  Politics  215 

throughout,  that  we  should  not  compromise  ourselves 
with  the  Indemnity  project.  We  were  the  victors,  and 
victors  can  afford  to  be  magnanimous.  ...  It  would 
not  have  been  so  difficult  for  me  then,  had  not  little- 
minded  men  commenced  their  night  manoeuvres  in  the 
belief  that  I  with  my  policy  had  only  broken  in  the 
steed  so  that  they  might  seat  themselves  in  the  saddle. 

"  The  Moor,  they  thought,  had  done  his  work,  and  if 
it  had  been  true  he  would  willingly  have  gone  then. 
But  it  was  not  true,  for  half  the  work  still  remained 
to  be  done." 

Bismarck  once  designated  the  seventy-five  supporters 
of  Virchow  who  voted  against  the  two  hundred  and 
thirty  members  when  the  Indemnity  Bill  was  passed, 
as  men  who  would  one  day  make  a  great  to-do  in 
heaven  "  if  the  resurrection  did  not  take  place  in  exact 
accordance  to  their  programme."  Whilst  he  was  hence- 
forth able  to  count  on  the  approval  of  the  bulk  of  the 
nation  in  after-years,  he  had  to  encounter  a  backstair 
influence,  to  the  intrigues  of  which  he  owes  many  an 
anxious  hour.  In  the  eyes  of  some  of  his  former  sup- 
porters he  had  become  too  great  and  too  liberal,  and  to 
them  this  was  a  crime  which  merited  death. 

"The  men  with  ideas  worthy  of  the  lumber-room 
then  began  to  band  themselves  together,  and  in  seeking 
soon  found  a  high  protectress.  Then  commenced  the 
mole's  work.    The  General  who  wished  to  be  a  diplomat 

and  who  effected  as  little  in  that  capacity  as ,  the 

higher  lackeys  (the  Court  Marshals)  blinded  by  their 
aiguillettes,  and  also  a  few  hysterical  women  who 
imagined  that  a  Hohenzoller  would  allow  himself  to  be 
degraded  to  the  level  of  a  Louis  XIV. — a  nice  company 


2i6    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

was  soon  collected !     I  had  only  one  friend  at  Court — 
tlie  King — but  he  was  worth  a  thousand  others." 

"  And  Moltke  and  Eoon  ?  " 

"  I  will  not  insult  them  by  reckoning  them  amongst 
the  courtiers ! "  was  the  cutting  retort. 

After  the  effect  of  the  Exhibition  of  1867  had  worn 
off,  the  Luxemburg  question  threatened  to  offer  Napoleon 
a  welcome  occasion  for  a  war.  Certain  of  victory, 
and  convinced  that  war  was  inevitable,  Moltke  was  in 
favour  of  fighting  at  once.  But  Bismarck  held  back 
and  abandoned  the  right  of  Prussia  to  garrison  the 
fortress  of  Luxemburg. 

"  I  still  rebelled  against  recognizing  the  unconditional 
necessity  of  this  war,  which  must  make  so  many 
thousand  widows  and  orphans  and  create  such  un- 
speakable misery.  We  had  only  just  witnessed  1866, 
and  in  comparison  with  that  which  awaited  the  world, 
1866  would  dwindle  to  a  pale  shadow.  Napoleon's 
throne  creaked  in  every  joint :  incalculable  events  might 
happen.  .  .  .  There  was  also  another  matter :  1866  was 
still  too  fresh  in  the  memory  of  the  Southern  States ;  the 
enthusiasm  which  we  evoked  in  1870  would  not  have 
prevailed  then.  .  .  .  The  decision  was  not  an  easy  one, 
for  something  else  had  to  be  considered :  the  question 
of  right !  I  did  not  want  a  war  which  would  enable 
others  later  on  to  reproach  us  with  having  entered  upon 
it  wdckedly.  Justice  had  to  be  on  our  side  beyond 
every  doubt,  so  that  no  factory-made  falsification  of 
history  could  take  it  from  us." 

"  I  should  answer  the  question  as  to  whether 
Napoleon  desired  the  war,  with  *  No,' "  said  Bismarck, 
shortly  after  the  battle  of  Sedan.    "  His  object  was  that 


Bismarck  on  Politics  217 

of  self-preservation,  the  maintenance  of  his  dynasty,  by 
a  brilliant  success  such  as  he  would  have  gained  had 
the  King,  threatened  by  him,  made  the  Hohenzollern 
candidature  impossible  for  ever.  But  in  order  to  attain 
that,  he  had  to  throw  more  into  the  scales  than  his  own 
will:  he  had  to  threaten  with  the  warlike  desires  of 
the  whole  French  nation ;  and  it  was  quite  in  accordance 
with  his  character  that  he  should  also  be  able  to  use  this 
as  a  shield  if  matters  turned  out  badly,  as  happened 
later  on.  All  the  official  papers  and  little  journals  then 
kept  up  the  cannonade  until  the  sound  common  sense  of 
the  French  fell  to  pieces  and  the  GalKc  cock  crowed, 
"  A  Berlin ! "  When  that  happened,  Napoleon's  experi- 
ence was  the  same  as  that  of  the  sorcerer's  apprentice : 
*  Those  spirits  whom  I  summoned,  I  cannot  now  get 
rid  of!'  Whether  he  still  wished  to  back  out  of  it 
may  be  doubted,  but  that  he  could  not  do  so  is  certain ! 
That  he  should  have  allowed  matters  to  go  so  far 
was  his  great  fault,  and  it  was  on  the  tip  of  my 
tongue  at  Donchery,  when  he  wished  to  shift  all  the 
blame  off  himself:  only  I  did  not  say  it  because  he 
made  me  feel  pitiful,  being  so  broken  and  ill  and  full  of 
fear  of  his  own  soldiers." 

"  To-day  ...  we  were  arguing  at  table  as  to  whether 
it  was  a  Cabinet  or  a  national  war.  Both  sides  were 
right  and  both  were  wrong.  It  began  as  a  Cabinet  war, 
and  it  became  a  national  war.  Napoleon  wished  it ;  he 
fanned  the  sparks  of  national  jealousy  until  the  French 
nation  wanted  the  war,  and  the  Germans  too,  when 
they  saw  that  their  honour  could  be  preserved  in  no 
other  way.  In  the  end  the  Cabinets  only  did  what 
could  no  longer  be  avoided.  .  .  .  But  observe  how,  now 


2i8    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

that  Napoleon  has  quitted  the  scene,  the  French  will 
make  him  the  scapegoat  for  everything,  even  for  their 
want  of  independence  and  their  vanity,  without  which 
matters  would  never  have  gone  so  far." 

Two  years  after  the  commencement  of  the  "  Kultur- 
Kampf  "  Bismarck  observed — 

"  The  best  preparatory  school  for  a  Chancellor  of  the 
German  Empire  now  would  be  a  circus  training  under 
a  juggler ;  Conservatives,  Liberals,  Centre — one  of  these 
must  always  be  in  the  air,  but  only  so  high  that  one 
can  catch  him  again,  and  whilst  doing  so  the  two  others 
must  not  be  allowed  to  fall.  .  .  .  The  threads  on  the 
spinning-wheel  of  our  domestic  policy  were  never  so 
tangled  as  they  now  are.  It  would  be  difficult  enough 
to  get  done  with  only  one  task.  But  in  addition  to  the 
Kultur-Kampf,  social  legislation,  the  protection  of  our 
agriculture  and  industries,  and  the  increase  of  our  Army 
are  to  be  carried  through,  quite  apart  from  a  multitude 
of  minor  tasks — -sometimes  things  really  seem  to  turn 
round  in  one's  head  like  a  windmill.  And  it  is  just 
at  this  time  that  I  should  like  to  be  quite  free  to  deal 
with  foreign  policy.  Gortschakoff  gives  me  more  trouble 
than  I  care  to  own;  I  would  not  like  to  disquiet 
our  Imperial  master,  who  is  so  attached  to  Eussia.  The 
old  fellow  on  the  Neva  is  jealous,  nothing  more,  but 
that  is  more  than  enough.  Clouds  everywhere,  and  not 
a  speck  of  blue  sky  to  be  seen  at  all ! " 

The  course  followed  by  the  foreign  policy  of  the 
European  Courts  was  indeed  well  calculated  to  cause 
anxiety.  The  Eastern  Question  again  threatened  to 
become  the  tinder  ready  for  a  European  conflagration. 
And  though  the  Berlin  Conference  of  1878  produced 


Bismarck  on  Politics  219 

a  calming  effect,  the  danger  still  remained,  for  Bismarck 
attached  no  great  value  to  the  outward  brilliance  which 
this  Conference  shed  on  Germany. 

"  It  is  very  nice,"  he  remarked,  "  that  these  gentle- 
men have  come  to  us,  and  our  Imperial  master  was 
almost  as  pleased  about  it  as  Werner  (who  painted  the 
Conference  picture) ;  but  the  fact  that  I  was  only 
allowed  to  be  'the  honest  broker' — whilst  I  would 
rather  have  sided  with  Eussia  had  I  been  permitted 
to  follow  my  personal  inclinations — has  cleared,  though 
not  improved,  the  situation.  Eussia  will  not  forget  our 
action,  and  Austria  and  England  will  not  thank  us  for 
it.  There  was  no  other  way  out  of  it.  I  fear  the  time 
will  not  be  long  in  coming  when  the  Eussian  bear  will 
allow  Madame  la  Eepublique  to  scratch  his  hide,  even 
though  she  wears  a  Jacobin  cap  on  her  head.  The 
only  consolation  is  that  a  mariage  de  convenance  at  the 
most  can  arise  between  Eussian  Absolutism  and  French 
Eadicalism  and  Opportunism,  but  never  a  marriage  of 
inclination — and  a  mariage  de  convenance  seldom  bears 
any  fruit." 

To  oppose  the  threatened  danger,  Bismarck  sought 
and  found  a  counterweight  in  the  creation  of  the  Triple 
Alliance,  his  last  great  feat  in  the  arena  of  foreign 
policy.  Even  whilst  Beust  was  Prime  Minister  of 
Austria,  Bismarck  had  taken  preliminary  steps  for  the 
necessary  understanding,  but  it  was  not  until  Andrassy 
had  succeeded  to  the  direction  of  Austrian  affairs  that 
the  necessary  advances  were  made.  To  make  the  acces- 
sion of  Italy  in  1883  palatable  to  Austria  was  yet 
another  difficult  task. 

"  There  were  still  at  the  Austrian  Court,"  exclaimed 


2  20    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

Bismarck,  angrily,  when  the  negotiations  on  this  point 
once  threatened  to  fail,  "  far  too  many  people  who  have 
learnt  nothing  and  forgotten  nothing  since  1866.  Those 
whom  God  wishes  to  destroy,  He  afflicts  with  madness. 
This  Empire,  of  which  one  might  say  as  of  the  late 
Holy  Eoman  Empire,  'How  does  it  manage  to  hold 
together  ? '  ought  to  thank  God  that  it  gains  a  powerful 
ally;  instead  of  which  these  politicians  in  petticoats 
shudder  like  children  taking  medicine.  If  they  are 
bent  upon  our  watching  their  destruction  by  their 
Slavonic  neighbour  with  grounded  weapons,  they  can 
have  it !  Then  they  will  clamour  indeed,  but  it  will 
be  too  late !  "  Fortunately,  the  energy  of  Andrassy  and 
his  successors  succeeded  in  breaking  the  opposition  to 
the  alliance  with  Germany  and  Italy. 

Varzin,  October  19,  1877 
(Conversation  with  Moritz  Busch) 

"The  King  wished  to  give  me  the  arms  of  Alsace 
and  Lorraine  on  making  me  a  Prince.  But  I  would 
rather  have  had  those  of  Schleswig-Holstein,  for  that 
is  the  diplomatic  campaign  with  which  I  am  most 
satisfied." 

"  Did  you  contemplate  its  possibilities  from  the 
start  ? " 

"Yes;  immediately  on  the  death  of  the  King  of 
Denmark.  But  it  was  difficult.  Every  one  was  against 
me  ;  the  Crown  Prince  and  Princess  on  account  of  family 
relationship,  His  Most  Gracious  Majesty  himself  at  first 
and  for  a  long  time  afterwards,  then  Austria,  the  minor 


Bismarck  on  Politics  221 

German  States,  and  the  English,  who  begrudged  us  the 
possession  of  the  Elbe  duchies.     We  succeeded  in  gain- 
ing over   Napoleon,  who   thought  to  place  us  under 
an  obligation.     Last  of  all  the  Liberals  at  home,  who 
for  once  attached  importance  to  the  rights  of  a  prince? 
were  opposed  to  us.     It  was,  however,  only  their  envy 
and    hatred    towards    me.     Even    the    Schleswig-Hol- 
steiners  did  not  wish  it ;  all  these,  and  I  do  not  know 
who  else !   We  had  a  sitting  of  the  Council  of  State  at  that 
time,  when  I  made  one  of  the  longest  speeches  that 
I  ever  fired  off,  and  said  much  that  must  have  appeared 
unheard  of  and  impossible  to  my  audience.     For  in- 
stance, I  represented  to  the  King  that  all  his  pre- 
decessors, with  the  exception  of  his  late  brother,  had 
added  something  to  the  realm ;  did  he  intend  to  keep 
to  that  ?     To  judge  by  their  astonished  looks,   they 
clearly  thought  I  had  been  lunching  too  well.     Coste- 
noble  was  in  charge  of  the  protocol,  and   on  looking 
at  that  document  later  on,  I  found  that  just  the  very 
passages  in  which  I  had  been  most  clear  and  urgent 
had  been  omitted.     I  called  his  attention  to  the  fact, 
and  complained.     He  acknowledged  that  I  was  right, 
but  thought  that  I  would  be  pleased  if  they  were  left 
out.      I  replied,   'Most  certainly  not.     You  thought, 
no  doubt,  ich  hdtte  einen  gepfiffen.     But  I  insist  on  their 
being  inserted  just  as  I  said  them.' " 


The  characteristic  features  of  race,  and  their  influence 
on  the  political  life  of  different  countries,  were  at  all 
times  favourite  topics  of  conversation  with  the  great 
statesman. 


222    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

In  conversation  one  evening  (April  30,  1868)  with 
the  celebrated  jurist  Bluntschli,  Bismarck  observed — 

"  It  will  perhaps  appear  fantastic  to  you  if  I  maintain 
that  nations  bear  a  resemblance  to  Nature:  some  are 
masculine,  others  are  feminine  (not  a  new  idea  of  mine). 
The  Germans  are  men;  so  much  so  that,  taken  by 
themselves,  they  are  ungovernable.  Every  one  wants 
his  own  peculiarity.  But  when  they  are  united  they 
are  like  a  torrent  which  irresistibly  carries  everything 
away  before  it.  The  Slavs  and  Celts  are  feminine : 
they  do  nothing  by  themselves — they  are  incapable 
of  reproduction.  The  Eussians  can  do  nothing 
without  the  Germans.  They  cannot  work,  but  they  are 
easily  led.  They  have  no  powers  of  resistance,  they 
follow  their  master.  The  Celts,  too,  are  nothing  but  a 
passive  mass.  Only  where  the  German  influence  comes 
in  does  a  political  nation  arise  by  combination — like  the 
English ;  so  also  with  regard  to  the  Spaniards,  as  long  as 
the  Goths  were  in  power,  and  the  French,  whilst  guided 
by  the  Eranconian  element.  The  Erench  Eevolution 
expelled  the  latter,  and  gave  predominance  to  the  Celtic. 
That  makes  them  inclined  to  submit  to  authority.  The 
Westphalians  and  Suabians  are  old  Germans  with  but 
little  admixture,  and  therefore  hard  to  amalgamate  with 
the  State.  If  they  are  seized  with  a  national  idea,  and  if 
they  become  excited,  they  will  break  the  very  rocks.  But 
that  rarely  happens.  As  a  rule,  every  village  and  every 
peasant  wants  to  exist  individually.  There  is  a  powerful 
combination  of  the  Slavonic  and  Teuton  elements  in 
the  Prussians  ;  that  is  one  of  the  chief  reasons  of  their 
political  usefulness.  They  possess  something  of  the 
pliability  of  the  Slavs  and  the  virility  of  the  Germans." 


Bismarck  on  Politics  223 

Nearly  thirty  years  afterwards  Bismarck  again  re- 
ferred as  follows  to  his  theory  on  the  value  of  Teuton 
blood  on  the  progress  of  nations  : — 

"  I  find  that  the  life  of  nations  is  only  crowned  with 
success  so  far  as  they  have  Teuton  blood  in  their  veins, 
and  so  long  as  they  preserve  the  characteristics  of  that 
race.  The  Irish  are  an  effeminate  race,  who  act  with 
much  feeling  but  with  little  understanding.  I  can 
understand  in  the  end  all  nations  and  races,  but  I 
cannot  conquer  my  aversion  to  negroes.  They  appear 
to  me  to  be  a  caricature  of  the  white  man.  The  United 
States,  who  possess  a  large  share  of  this  race,  inspires 
me  therefore  with  the  more  interest.  If  social  demo- 
cracy plays  no  important  rdle  in  that  country — it  has 
really  appeared  only  in  the  large  towns,  and  has  been 
repressed  with  energy — it  is  probably  due  to  the  sparse- 
ness  of  the  population.  This  hot-house  plant  of  our 
civilization  only  flourishes  when  human  beings  live 
crowded  together.  .  .  ." 

"  I  am  filled  with  astonishment  at  the  energy  of  the 
Japanese  as  compared  with  the  lethargy  of  .China. 
There  are  certainly  some  amongst  us  who  see  in  the 
Chinese  a  danger  to  Europe.  Such  fears  appear  to  me 
to  be  unfounded  in  view  of  the  genius  for  standing 
still,  displayed  by  this  nation  for  centuries.  On  the 
other  hand,  mercantile  conflicts  through  Japan,  and  the 
possibility  of  this  country  making  an  appearance  as  a 
political  factor,  are  rather  to  be  expected." 

"Here  in  Friedrichsruh  I  am  not  in  a  position  to 
form  a  well-founded  opinion  about  the  course  and 
result  of  the  present  crisis  (in  Turkey).  Both  depend 
on  the  actions  of  a  number  of  personalities  of  Europe 


224    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

whom  I  only  know  sliglitly,  so  that  I  cannot  judge  with 
accuracy  as  to  what  they  will  do  on  the  occurrence  of 
certain  events,  which  may  happen.  Besides,  I  do  not 
know  whether,  or  to  what  extent,  the  Sultan  will  com- 
ply with  the  representations  of  the  Powers,  and  what 
he  will  do  if  their  harmony  is  not  maintained ;  whether 
he  may  not  some  day  in  a  passion  cancel  all  that  they 
think  they  have  already  got  from  him.  Everything 
would  then  depend  upon  what  Eussia  and  England 
might  do,  and  the  distinctive  note  which  they  would 
sound  in  their  counter-proposals :  whether  England 
would  be  able  to  again  display  the  same  determi- 
nation towards  Eussia  and  Turkey  as  in  the  "  seventies," 
and  what  attitude  Austria-Hungary  and  Italy  would 
maintain  towards  one  another?  I  cannot  calculate 
that  beforehand — it  depends  on  future  eventualities. 
Too  many  indeterminable  factors  are  present  in  the 
construction  of  the  problem  to  enable  one  to  arrive  at 
an  absolutely  certain  solution.  A  statesman  can  only 
follow  the  course  of  such  a  crisis  attentively,  and  each 
one  of  the  immediately  interested  States  must  be  in 
constant  readiness  to  preserve  her  own  interests  in 
addition  to  those  of  the  whole  of  Europe.  The  best 
policy  for  Germany  is  to  remain  quietly  in  the  back- 
ground during  the  Turkish  game  of  the  Powers,  and  to 
await  the  result  when  it  comes.  I  rejoice  to  see  that 
we  are  not  disposed  to  give  up  this  reserve,  and  are 
resisting  the  temptation  to  force  our  way  into  the  ranks 
of  those  Powers  who  are  immediately  interested  in  the 
Turkish  question." 

In  discussing  events  in  South  Africa,  whilst  mention- 
ing Chamberlain's  headlong  policy  in  terms  more  drastic 


Bismarck  on  Politics  225 

than  flattering,  the  Prince  defined  the  distinction  which 
existed  between  the  character  and  actions  of  the  English 
as  private  persons  and  the  policy  of  England.  The 
individual  Briton  was  decent,  respectable,  and  reliable ; 
the  reproach  of  lying  was  to  him  the  most  serious  of 
all  reproaches.  On  the  other  hand,  English  policy  was 
the  contrary  of  all  that ;  its  dominant  characteristic  was 
hypocrisy,  and  it  employed  every  method  which  the 
individual  Briton  despised. 

At  times,  too,  the  policy  of  France  was  not  very 
select  in  its  methods.  Its  conduct  towards  weaker 
races  abroad  was  as  cruel  and  brutal  as  that  of  England ; 
violence  and  cunning  were  also  to  be  observed  there 
as  in  the  English  regime,  though  the  same  degree  of 
•hypocrisy  and  perfidy,  by  which  English  policy  was 
often  directed,  could  not  be  proved  against  it. 

The  Turks  are  the  only  gentlemen  in  the  East, 
whilst  all  the  remaining  nations  there  were  more  or 
less  morally  degenerate  and  politically  unreliable.  The 
resistance  of  the  Greek  statesmen  to  the  suggested 
European  control  of  their  finances  was,  in  the  Prince's 
opinion,  the  comhle  of  fraudulent  bankruptcy. 

Speaking  of  the  characteristic  traits  of  the  German 
nation,  the  Prince  said  that  they  were  still  a  race  of 
non-commissioned  officers  :  every  one  was  eager  to  get 
the  stripes.  On  an  average  every  man  in  public  life 
had  only  that  degree  of  self-reliance  which  corresponded 
to  his  official  hallmark,  to  the  conditions  of  his  official 
rank,  and  to  his  orders.  Exceptions  to  this  were  praise- 
worthy but  rare. 

The  parties  in  Germany  hardly  sufficed  to  fill  exist- 
ing needs,  because  the  latter  were  principally  of  an 

Q 


226    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

economic  and  social-political  nature.  On  mention  being 
made  of  the  recent  visit  of  the  Farmers'  League,  the 
Prince  stated  that  he  had  summed  up  his  convictions 
in  the  phrase,  "  II  faut  que  la  recherche  de  la  fraction 
soit  interdite."  If  anything  is  to  be  achieved  in 
economic  fields,  one  must  put  off  to  a  future  date 
political  differences,  which  for  the  time  being  do  not 
come  into  consideration.  If  the  farmer  want  to  get 
something,  he  ought  not  to  ask  of  those  who  are  ready 
to  help  him :  "  What  political  party  do  you  belong  to 
generally  ? "  At  first  that  must  be  a  matter  of  indiffer- 
ence— "  after  nine  o'iclock  for  that,"  as  the  Berliners  say. 
One  evening  Prince  Bismarck  related  that  the  nego- 
tiations with  Jules  Favre  concerning  the  Paris  contribu- 
tion of  200  million  francs  took  place  on  the  stairs  of  his 
house.  "  We  think,"  he  said,  "  Paris  would  feel  insulted 
if  we  were  to  demand  less  than  a  milliard,"  a  state- 
ment which  nearly  drove  Favre  frantic.  However, 
before  the  foot  of  the  stairs  was  reached,  the  amount  of 
200  million  francs  was  decided  on,  and  subsequently 
paid.  Bismarck  thereupon  proposed  in  the  Council  of 
Ministers  that  this  sum,  the  first  received  during  the 
National  War  fought  with  combined  forces,  should  be 
devoted  to  wipe  off  the  war  indemnities  paid  to  Prussia 
by  her  present  allies  in  1866.  This  proposal  met  with 
violent  resistance,  and  the  Chancellor  was  told,  "  These 
affairs  belong  to  the  past ! "  He  replied,  "  It  is  not 
only  on  account'  of  the  past,  but  also  for  the  future ; 
we  shall  unite  the  new  Empire  more  firmly  by  doing 
this."  Nevertheless  he  remained  in  the  minority,  or 
rather  quite  alone;  not  one  of  his  colleagues  agreeing 
with  him. 


Bismarck  on  Politics  227 

Talking  to  Mr.  Booth  in  November,  1887,  Prince 
Bismarck  said,  "The  outbreak  of  war  depends  on 
England's  attitude  towards  Eussia,  whether  it  will  be 
that  of  a  charging  bull  or  of  an  asthmatic  fattened  ox. 
In  the  latter  case  our  alliance  with  Italy  will  be  of 
little  use,  since  she  will  have  to  use  half  her  army  for 
coast  defence  against  France,  as  the  combined  fleets 
of  Germany,  Austria,  and  Italy  are  not  equal  to  the 
French  fleet.  Should  England,  however,  be  a  charging 
bull,  the  French  fleet  would  not  only  be  paralysed,  but 
the  Turks  would  also  go  against  Eussia." 

Booth  replied  that  England's  action  could  not  be 
reckoned  on. 

"Yes,"  said  Bismarck,  "just  as  in  England  the  many 
heads  bring  the  unexpected  to  pass,  so  in  Eussia  the 
one  head  of  the  Czar  is  not  to  be  relied  on." 

In  reply  to  Booth's  statement  that  repeated  sittings 
of  the  council  of  war  had  taken  place  in  Austria  under 
the  presidency  of  the  Emperor,  Bismarck  said,  "  Nothing 
can  remain  a  secret  in  Austria,  for  they  have  the  boast- 
ing Hungarian  and  the  press,"  and  again  laid  stress  on 
the  fact  that  nothing  from  that  quarter  was  of  much 
consequence. 

Bismarck  employed  the  long  evenings  at  Kniephof 
during  the  early  forties  in  the  earnest  study  of  history, 
that  of  England  in  particular.  He  was  by  no  means 
an  Anglophobe.  "Although  the  history  and  institu- 
tions of  England,"  so  he  declared  in  after  years,  "  have 
ever  been  most  interesting  material  for  study  and 
thought,  still  the  development  of  Germany  must  be 
shaped  to  accord  with  the  peculiar  character  of  the 
social  conditions  and  political  institutions  of  Germany." 


228    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

Nothing  in  his  political  career  angered  him  more;  than 
to  meet  people  who  wished  to  transplant  English  institu- 
tions promiscuously  to  Germany. 

Bismarck  was  inspired  with  a  great  admiration  for  Lord 
Beaconsfield,  and  one  day  discussed  the  personality  of 
the  English  Premier. 

"I  repeatedly  had  him  to  spend  the  evening  with 
us;  as  he  was  unwell  he  only  came  on  condition  of 
being  alone,  and  I  thus  had  many  an  opportunity  of 
getting  to  know  him  well.  I  must  say  that  in  spite 
of  his  fantastic  novel- writing  he  is  a  capable  statesman, 
far  above  Gortschakoff  and  many  others.  It  was  easy 
to  transact  business  with  him  :  in  a  quarter  of  an  hour 
you  knew  exactly  how  you  stood  with  him ;  the  limits 
to  which  he  was  prepared  to  go  were  clearly  defined,  and 
a  rapid  summary  soon  precised  matters.  Beaconsfield 
speaks  magnificent  and  melodious  English  and  has  a 
good  voice;  he  spoke  nothing  but  English  at  the 
Congress.  The  Crown  Princess  asked  me  about  this 
time  whether  Beaconsfield  did  not  speak  French  very 
beautifully.  I  answered  that  I  had  not  heard  anything 
of  it  up  till  then.  '  But  in  the  Congress  ? '  she  inquired 
further.  'He  only  speaks  English,'  said  I;  and  here 
she  dropped  the  conversation,"  added  the  Chancellor 
in  English,  with  a  significant  gesture  of  his  hand. 

At  the  close  of  his  eventful  career  Bismarck  was 
able  to  lay  the  foundation  of  the  colonial  policy  of 
Germany,  which  will  probably  become  an  important 
element  in  the  future  development  of  Germany.  Even 
as  early  as  1878  Bismarck  observed — 

"Up  to  1866  our  policy  was  Prussian-German,  till 
1870   German-European,  and   since  then  it  has  been 


Bismarck  on  Politics  229 

that  of  the  world.  In  estimating  future  events  we  must 
keep  an  eye  on  the  United  States  of  America,  for  they 
may  develop  into  a  danger  to  Europe  in  economic  affairs, 
possibly  also  in  others,  at  present  wholly  unexpected 
by  most  of  us.  In  the  future  the  one  cannot  be 
separated  from  the  other.  The  war  of  the  future  is 
the  economic  war,  the  struggle  for  existence  on  a  grand 
scale.  May  my  successors  always  bear  this  in  mind, 
and  take  care  when  this  struggle  comes  that  we  are 
prepared  for  it ! " 


COMMERCE  AND   COLONIES 

The  interior  development  of  the  Empire  demanded  all 
the  Chancellor's  energies  after  peace  had  been  con- 
cluded in  1871,  the  more  so  since  matters  had  to  be 
dealt  with  which  were,  at  least  in  part,  strange  to  him, 
and  with  which  he  had  yet  to  become  acquainted. 
Amongst  these  tasks  was  the  framing  of  a  commercial 
policy.  Bismarck's  practical  common  sense,  no  less  than 
the  necessity  of  taking  a  majority  where  he  could  find 
one,  led  him  towards  the  Liberal  party  with  all  the 
greater  force  since  his  breach  with  Legitimist  principles 
in  1866  had  estranged  many  of  his  former  adherents 
in  the  Conservative  party. 

"These  people,"  he  observed,  "have  adopted  the 
blinkers  which  I  have  torn  off  the  Liberals.  They  do 
not  and  will  not  see  that  since  the  accession  of  the 
Hanoverians,  and  now  of  the  South  Germans,  the 
Liberals  are  very  different  to  what  they  were  formerly. 
Oh,  if  I  were  only  in  as  comfortable  a  position  for  a 
couple  of  years,  as  are  my  colleagues  in  England !  But 
the  continual  domestic  quarrels  in  one's  own  house 
wear  one  out ;  when  one  realizes  that  in  the  end  one 
reaps   no  thanks,  and  when  one  always  hears,  *  The 


Commerce  and  Colonies  231 

heretic  must  be  burnt ! '  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  if 
one  prefers  to  go  home  and  cultivate  cabbages  and  shoot 
hares." 

Bismarck's  own  grave  doubts  at  that  period  as  to 
whether  he  was  pursuing  the  right  course,  or  whether 
the  Free  Trade  system — "  Manchesterdom,"  as  it  was 
termed — which  the  chief  debaters  of  the  Eeichstag 
lauded  as  the  "only  medicine  for  the  State,"  was 
rather  more  harmful  than  useful  to  Germany.  Never 
had  he  been  seen  so  often  pacing  under  the  trees  in  the 
garden  of  the  Chancellor's  Palace,  his  hands  behind 
his  back,  his  head  bent,  and  with  anxious  care  in 
every  line  of  his  face,  as  during  1878.  His  decision 
to  introduce  a  protective  tariff  solved  the  momentous 
question,  and  the  Chancellor  breathed  more  freely, 
although  the  projected  socialist  legislation  would  open 
up  a  new  and  enormous  field  of  labour. 

'•'  Now  I  have  a  goal,"  he  remarked  at  the  time,  "  and 
I  shall  find  the  means  to  reach  it.  It  will  cost  some 
hard  fighting — so  much  the  better !  If  the  workman 
had  no  cause  for  complaint,  the  roots  of  social  democracy 
would  be  dug  up.  Will  it  ever  come  to  that  ?  Will 
not  the  agitator — the  workman — always  demand  more 
the  more  one  gives  ? "  Then,  after  a  pause,  "  No 
matter !  the  attempt  must  be  made.  Should  it  prove 
a  failure — as  I  almost  fear  it  will — we  have  at  least 
proved  our  good-will  to  all  the  world,  and  the  fault 
will  not  lie  with  us  if  an  understanding  is  not  arrived 
at.  .  .  .  Germany  in  advance  on  the  path  of  social 
reform  as  well  .  .  .  truly  a  thought  'worthy  of  the 
sweat  of  the  noble;'  but  most  of  them  will  not 
sweat — that  is  just  the  mischief! "  he  added,  with  one  of 


232    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

his  frequent  transitions  from  the  profoundest  gravity  to 
boisterous  humour. 

Bismarck  was  unable  to  agree  with  the  law  against 
Sunday  labour,  for,  as  he  remarked  to  a  visitor,  "  This 
law  does  not  please  me  at  all,  for  it  brings  me  into  con- 
flict with  my  conscience.  I  will  only  mention  one 
instance :  I  am  riding  through  the  fields  on  a  Sunday 
morning  and  rejoice  over  the  state  of  the  crops.  I  then 
see  in  the  distance  an  industrious  worker  labouring  at 
his  little  plot  of  land  for  the  benefit  of  his  family.  The 
law  says  that  Sunday  labour  is  forbidden  by  statute; 
as  a  landowner  I  am  legally  bound  to  report  the  man 
or  forbid  him  to  work.  One  can  easily  imagine  the 
consequences ;  the  man  returns  home  annoyed,  and  his 
wife  will  hardly  believe  his  statement  that  he  has  no 
right  to  work  on  his  rented  piece  of  land,  as  has  been 
the  custom  since  time  immemorial.  The  man's  resent- 
ment increases,  and  he  goes  to  the  public-house ! 
Sunday  is  spoilt  for  the  people  by  the  rigorous  law,  and 
I  very  much  doubt  whether  that  is  the  right  way  to 
keep  the  Sabbath  holy. 

"  If  I  think  this  matter  over  thoroughly  as  a  land- 
owner, I  shall  not,  in  riding  through  the  fields,  see  a 
Sunday  worker ;  for  I  shall  turn  my  horse  and  hasten 
away  so  that  I  may  not  bring  the  hard-working  and 
industrious  labourer  into  trouble.  It  would  be  far 
worse  to  bring  the  man  into  conflict  with  himself,  and 
I  should  perhaps  contribute  to  the  destruction  of  his 
hitherto  undisturbed  family  happiness  by  forbidding 
him  to  work  on  Sundays  at  his  own  allotment,  which 
supplies  him  with  food  for  the  year." 

The  following  official  documents  relating  to  goods 


Commerce  and  Colonies  233 

"made  in  Germany,"  testify  alike  to  the  Prince's 
striving  after  commercial  honesty  and  fair  dealing,  and 
also  bear  witness  to  the  necessity  of  Government  inter- 
ference in  this  matter. 

"  Friedriohsrah,  October  26, 1880. 

"To  Count  zu  Limbukg-Stirum. 

"  No.  499  of  the  Nord  Deutsche  Allgemeine 
Zeitung  contains  a  very  noteworthy  leading  article  on 
some  of  the  defects  which  cripple  our  foreign  export  trade. 
Although  I  have  for  some  time  devoted  my  attention 
to  the  question,  I  miss  all  the  reports  from  our  consu- 
lates about  the  damage  which  our  foreign  trade  suffers 
in  consequence  of  dishonest  and  careless  shipments. 
From  other  sources  I  hear  that  cases  have  occurred 
where  swords  in  scabbards  without  blades,  scissors  cast 
in  one  piece  and  the  like,  parcels  containing  inferior 
goods  packed  in  superior  stuffs,  have  arrived  in  foreign 
countries  from  Germany.  The  defects  noticed  in  the 
accompanying  articles,  regarding  packing  and  opening, 
are  not  less  harmful  for  the  whole  trade  of  Germany 
than  the  other  dishonesties.  I  consider  it  the  duty  of 
the  officials  of  the  Empire  to  check  these  occurrences 
and  report  them  officially,  so  that  they  can  be  met  as 
far  as  possible  by  official  and  public  teaching.  I  there- 
fore wish  that  all  professional  consuls  in  foreign  coun- 
tries, especially  in  America  and  Eastern  Asia,  and  also 
in  the  Levant,  may  now  be  directed  to  report  up  to 
date  their  observations  on  the  occurrences  indicated, 
and  to  devote  their  attention  to  checking  the  same  in 
future. 

"  I  wish  to  see  and  sign  the  draft  of  the  circular  to  be 


234   Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

addressed  to  the  consulates,  in  which  attention  is  to  be 
drawn  to  the  defects  of  definite  branches  of  the  export 
trade,  which  may  be  mentioned  in  the  document." 

The  following  circular,  dated  Friedrichsruh,  November 
6, 1880,  was  thereupon  issued  to  the  professional  Consuls 
of  the  German  Empire  : — 

"  You  are  acquainted  with  the  complaints  which 
have  been  made  public  regarding  careless  and  even 
dishonest  shipments  in  our  trans-oceanic  trade,  and 
the  injury  to  our  industries  and  trade  resulting  from 
such  practices. 

"According  to  the  available  information  both  of  former 
and  present  times,  a  lamentable  lack  of  reliability  with 
regard  to  German  shipments  inter  alia  is  apparent  both  as 
to  quality  and  quantity.  Temporary  advantages  gained 
by  such  means  not  only  damage  the  reputation  of  the 
firms  concerned,  but  also  throw  discredit  on  the 
industries  and  trade  of  Germany  as  a  whole.  It  is 
therefore  the  duty  of  the  Empire  to  labour  energetically 
to  abolish  these  malpractices.  Even  the  making  up 
and  packing  of  German  goods  give  rise  to  grave  and 
oft-repeated  complaints.  The  German  making  up  leaves 
much  to  be  desired,  as  regards  shape  and  neatness 
of  appearance,  and  is  therein  far  behind  that  of  France 
and  England.  In  many  instances  the  packing  is  not 
even  sufficient  for  the  most  necessary  protection  of  the 
goods,  so  that  they  frequently  arrive  at  their  destination 
in  a  broken  or  damaged  condition. 

"  Owing  to  the  results  of  the  inquiry  instituted  last  year 
by  the  Imperial  Charge  d' Affaires  for  Central  America, 
on  which  the  decree  of  July  13  was  based,  the  Council 


Commerce  and  Colonies  235 

of  the  Berlin  merchants  has  requested  the  Export 
Committee  •  for  commercial  affairs  to  report  on  the 
question — '  What  can  and  must  German  manufacturers 
and  merchants  do  to  promote  commerce  beyond  the 
seas  ? ' 

"The  report  on  this  question  also  points  to  the 
necessity  of  doing  away  with  the  malpractices  I  have 
alluded  to. 

"It  is  the  duty  of  the  Imperial  officials  to  control 
occurrences  of  this  kind,  and  report  them  officially,  so 
that  they  may  be  met  as  far  as  possible  by  advice,  both 
officially  and  in  the  public  papers. 

"  I  therefore  request  that  you  will  be  so  good  as  to 
pay  special  attention  to  the  performance  of  this  duty. 

"  I  look  forward  to  a  continuous  series  of  reports  on 
your  observations  in  this  matter,  mentioning  by  name 
the  several  cases  brought  to  your  notice  which  may 
appear  to  be  particularly  suitable  for  a  remedy,  and  I 
enclose  for  your  use  the  above-mentioned  report  as  well 
as  a  compilation  of  remarks  on  German  export  trade 
and  its  shortcomings,  collected  from  the  results  of  the 
Central  American  Inquiry." 

At  a  soiree  given  to  the  members  of  the  PiTissian 
Diet  on  February  1,  1881,  the  conversation  eventually 
turned  on  the  colonial  policy  and  the  trade  of  Germany. 
Prince  Bismarck  complained  of  the  action  of  Inspector 
Fabri  in  sending  him  a  despatch  protesting  against  the 
colonial  policy  of  England,  and  further  in  having 
published  the  same.  In  England,  private  persons 
always  keep  touch  with  their  Foreign  Office  in  carry- 
ing out  their  great  enterprises,  whilst  the  responsi- 
bility for  the  latter  is  only  taken  over  by  the  State 


236    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

when   success  is   ensured   and    the    path   clear.     The 
colonial    aims    and    efforts   of    Germany   could    only 
achieve  success  by  a  similar  dependence  on  the  now 
powerful  German  Foreign  Ofi&ce.     Fabri  had  not  kept 
touch  with  it  at  all.     When  England  was  engaged  in  a  . 
contest  with  the  Transvaal  Eepublic,  was  he  to  direct 
his  Consuls  to  adopt  a  hostile  attitude  towards  England  ? 
The  English  were  everywhere  on  the  best  of  terms  with 
German  subjects,  whose  property  and  efforts  had  always 
been  protected  like  their  own.     The  missionaries  in 
particular    had    certainly  never    had    any   cause    for 
complaint.     In  times  of  war,  every  word  was  jealously 
weighed,  and  nothing  was  worse  than  to  allow  one's  i 
sympathies  to  be  biased  by  unimportant  points,  and  to  ■ 
leave  the  conflicting  interests,  which  are  at  the  bottom 
of  all  struggles,  out  of  consideration.    He  was  not  wanting 
in  sympathy  for  the  Boers,  and   that  was  shown   by  1 
his  pleasure  at  their  calling  themselves  what  they  were  \ 
— "  Boers  " — with  pride  and  self-consciousness. 

But  whilst  Bismarck  was  fully  alive  to  the  value  and 
importance  of  colonial  expansion  for  the  future  of  the 
German  Empire,  he  cherished  but  little  sympathy  for 
those  of  his  countrymen  who  definitely  severed  their 
connection  with  the  Fatherland  to  seek  their  fortunes 
under  a  foreign  flag.  Every  German  who  thus 
abandoned  his  nationality  in  quest  of  gain  was  in 
Bismarck's  eyes  a  distinct  loss  to  the  Empire  from 
the  economic  as  well  as  from  the  military  point  of 
view. 

The  Chancellor's  opinion  on  this  subject  was  stated 
very  plainly  in  the  following  official  letter,  addressed  to 
the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Interior : — 


Commerce  and  Colonies  237 

"  Berlin,  May  20, 1881. 

"His  Serene  Highness  is  of  the  opinion  that  the 
present  existing  statutory  and  other  regulations  with 
regard  to  the  system  of  emigration,  and  in  particular 
the  organization  of  the  agency  system,  are  not  in  keeping 
with  the  interests  of  the  Empire.  It  will  be  better 
to  render  emigration  more  difficult  than  to  facilitate  it. 
But  this  course  must  not  be  pursued  so  far,  that 
people,  who  do  not  wish  to  remain  in  the  country,  and 
have  determined  to  found  a  home  abroad,  shall  be 
kept  back  by  force.  Still,  good  care  must  be  taken 
to  avoid  furthering  and  facilitating  emigration,  and  in 
particular  any  expense  to  the  State  on  account  of  such 
emigration. 

"  Keeping  this  point  in  view,  the  State  in  particular 
must  withhold  all  proofs  of  sympathy  for  those  Germans 
who  have  broken  their  ties  to  the  Fatherland,  and  must 
officially  acknowledge  this  to  be  the  guiding  principle 
of  our  emigration  policy." 

It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  on  a  former  occasion,  when 
a  request  was  made  for  German  officials  to  travel  through 
the  Province  of  Eio  Grande  do  Sul  in  Brazil,  with  a  view 
to  reporting  on  the  same,  Prince  Bismarck  curtly 
observed,  "  I  am  not  anxious  to  know  how  people  who 
have  shaken  the  dust  of  the  Fatherland  off  their  feet 
are  getting  on." 

A  few  months  later.  Count  Herbert  Bismarck  was 
directed  to  di-aw  attention  to  the  importance  of  receiving 
reliable  reports  on  the  various  harvests  and  crops  of 
foreign  countries,  by  means  of  a  letter  addressed  to 
Under-Secretary  Busch. 


238    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck      - 

"  Varzin,  September  14,  1881. 

"The  Imperial  Chancellor  has  noticed  that  our 
missions  never  send  in  reports  on  the  prospects  or 
yields  of  the  crops  of  the  countries  to  which  they  are 
accredited.  In  order  to  do  away  with  this  omission,  the 
Imperial  Chancellor  intends  to  address  a  circular  to  all 
missions,  requiring  them  to  furnish  such  reports  at 
regular  intervals — every  four  or  six  weeks. 

"  The  Embassies  and  larger  missions,  to  which  Consuls 
General  and  Consuls  are  attached,  would  have  to  make 
extracts  from  the  reports  of  all  the  latter  and  then 
forward  them  with  their  own  remarks  to  the  Foreign 
Office.  The  circular  must  insist  that  these  reports 
be  drawn  up  in  a  form  suitable  for  official  publication. 
In  this  matter,  the  Imperial  Chancellor  attaches  import- 
ance chiefly  to  discounting,  by  means  of  publications 
based  on  official  sources,  the  generally  highly-coloured 
statistics  about  the  condition  of  agricultural  produce 
abroad,  which  only  serve  to  benefit  speculators  at  the 
expense  of  producers.  Hitherto,  it  has  been  almost  a 
private  monopoly  of  certain  papers  and  periodicals,  chiefly 
influenced  by  the  commercial  classes,  and  published  in 
large  cities,  to  issue  harvest  reports  with  claims  to 
authenticity.  These  latter  often  influence  the  price  of 
agricultural  produce  in  a  very  marked  manner,  since 
they  generally  remain  unanswered,  as  the  official  journals 
are  rarely  in  the  position  to  contradict  them.  It  has 
frequently  been  observed  that  merchants  depress  the 
price  of  articles,  so  long  as  these  remain  on  the  hands 
of  the  producer.  This  they  manage  by  cleverly 
manipulating  news  and  price  quotations  in  the  local 
papers,  as  well  as  in  the  large  commercial  centres.     In 


Commerce  and  Colonies  239 

late  autumn  and  winter  when  the  producer  has  sold 
his  crops,  reports  of  a  different  kind,  such  as  a  uni- 
versal failure  of  crops,  generally  appear  in  the  press, 
so  that  a  considerable  rise  in  prices  takes  place,  which 
only  benefits  the  middleman.  This,  however,  can  only 
be  avoided  by  timely  and  continuous  official  publi- 
cations which  inform  the  producer  as  to  the  prospects 
and  prices  of  the  whole  world,  with  which  reports  the 
so-called  world  markets,  i.e.  merchants  and  brokers, 
will  then  have  to  reckon.  This  would  refer  chiefly 
to  those  countries  to  whom  we  export,  and  from 
whom  we  import.  Chief  among  the  former  are  per- 
haps England,  France,  Belgium  and  Holland ;  amongst 
the  latter.  North  America,  Eussia,  and  the  Danube 
States. 

"  In  the  English  press,  for  instance,  the  Imperial 
Chancellor  has  read  that  a  total  failure  of  the  crops 
may  be  expected,  owing  to  the  continuous  rain,  and 
that  every  further  rainy  day  means  a  loss  to  England 
of  one  or  two  million  pounds  sterling.  But  in  addition 
to  a  very  experienced  Consul  General,  we  have  in 
England  a  large  number  of  selected  Consuls,  who 
possess  judgment  and  insight  into  the  conditions  of 
agriculture.  If  they  were  to  send  such  reports  at 
intervals,  from  the  beginning  of  spring,  throughout  the 
year,  to  the  Embassy  which  has  to  forward  them,  a 
very  useful  collection  of  facts  would  be  the  result. 

"  But  in  addition  to  the  interest  to  our  agriculture  to 
have  definite  knowledge  about  those  crops  which  other 
nations,  besides  ourselves,  produce,  it  is  also  of  importance 
for  our  industries  to  have  information  about  the  cotton 
crops  of  North  America  and  Asia,  as  well  as  about  the 


240    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

state  of  wool  in  Australia,  etc.,  and  the  circular  should 
call  attention  to  any  increase  of  these  articles  which 
deserve  special  observation." 

In  March,  1882,  the  French  Government  assisted 
Germany  to  send  delegates  to  a  commission  in  Paris 
which  was  to  discuss  the  principles  for  an  International 
Convention  for  the  protection  of  submarine  cables. 

The  Chancellor's  remarks  were  as  follows  : — 

«  Varzin,  October  1,  1882. 
"  Germany  will  have  to  take  part  in  the  Conference, 
because  we  cannot  be  the  only  nation  to  hold  aloof, 
though  I  am  afraid  that  the  eventual  agreement  will 
not  be  of  much  use  to  us.  Other  nations  are  im- 
bued with  a  strong  national  egotism,  and  will  proceed 
leniently  against  their  own  subjects  for  damage  done 
to  foreign  cables.  "Whereas  we,  with  our  cosmopolitan 
feeling  of  justice,  are  sure  to  carry  out  the  penal  agree- 
ments strictly  towards  our  own  subjects  for  the  protection 
of  foreign  cables.  The  result  would  probably  be  that  we 
should  protect  our  own  and  foreign  cables,  whilst  the 
others  would  only  protect  their  own." 

At  a  parliamentary  soiree  given  by  the  Chancellor 
on  February  1,  1881,  one  of  the  guests  reminded  him 
that  he  always  seemed  to  find  some  fresh  work  to  do. 
The  Prince's  mood,  which  till  then  had  been  rather 
downcast  at  remembering  the  completeness  of  his  breach 
with  his  old  friends  of  the  Conservative  party,  suddenly 
brightened  up,  and  with  a  smile  he  answered,  "  You  are 
hinting  at  my  last  new  role  of  Minister  of  Commerce.* 
♦  August  23, 1880. 


Gommerce  and  Colonies  241 

Yes,  I  undertook  that  in  the  spirit  of  Odysseus  and  the 
suitors.  I  want  to  drive  the  man  out  of  Prussia,  and, 
as  it  were,  capture  the  post  for  the  Empire.  We  have 
no  Prussian,  Saxon,  or  Brunswick  commerce,  but  only 
a  German  one,  and  therefore  the  Ministry  of  Commerce 
must  be  an  Imperial  institution.  But  the  setting  aside 
of  this  office  does  not  progress  very  quickly,  as  Prussia 
is  the  most  particularist  State  in  Germany.  How- 
ever, I  shall  yet  bring  it  to  pass  by  retiring  some 
day." 

On  September  25,  1884,  in  the  presence  of  some 
Hamburg  merchants,  Bismarck  repeatedly  urged  the 
necessity  of  practical  merchants  developing  the  Colonial 
policy  of  the  Empire,  which  duty  he  could  not  leave  to 
the  bureaucratic  element:  "I  cannot  send  a  Prussian 
LaTidrat  to  the  Cameroons." 

The  Prince  mentioned  that  he  had  been  advised,  in 
many  quarters,  and  by  some  "  very  clever  "  people,  to 
cede  Angra  Pequena  in  German  South-west  Africa  to 
Britain  in  exchange  for  Heligoland,  whereas  his  opinion 
of  the  value  of  South-west  Africa  was  very  different. 

Bismarck  then  discussed  the  relations  of  Germany 
with  England  and  France  in  regard  to  their  colonial 
policy.  On  informing  the  British  Government  of  the 
annexation  of  Angra  Pequena,  he  expected  that  England 
would  welcome  Germany's  first  steps  in  colonial  policy 
with  friendliness,  and  that  no  difficulties  would  be 
made,  thus  rendering  the  united  advance  of  Germany 
and  England  possible.  Since,  however,  the  contrary 
had  happened,  he  had  to  come  to  an  understanding 
with  France,  and  it  was  therefore  of  importance  to 
spare  French  susceptibility  whilst  advancing  in  West 


242    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

Africa  and  elsewhere.  It  would  be  impossible  for 
Germany's  colonial  policy  to  flourish  if  opposed  by 
both  England  and  France.  Up  till  then  England  had 
"missed  the  connection,"  and  thus  an  understanding 
with  France  had  been  effected. 

A  memorial,  addressed  by  the  Hamburg  Chamber  of 
Commerce  to  the  Foreign  Office,  pointing  out  that,, 
contrary  to  international  law,  the  French  blockade  of 
certain  Chinese  ports  was  not  an  effective  one,  was 
summarily  dismissed  in  a  few  words.  The  Chancellor 
did  not  conceal  his  astonishment  that  this  memorial 
should  have  been  presented  by  the  Hamburg  Chamber 
of  Commerce,  above  all  people.  He  could  not  interfere 
in  French  affairs;  otherwise  the  danger  would  arise 
that  French  men-of-war  might  blockade  the  Elbe, 
which  would  cost  the  Hamburgers  more  than  any 
damage  inflicted  by  an  ineffective  blockade  of  Chinese 
ports. 

One  day,  after  his  retirement  (February  22,  1896), 
Bismarck  discussed  the  colonial  policy  of  Germany 
very  fully.  The  Prince  continued  to  uphold  his  former 
conviction  that  the  merchant  must  go  first  and  the 
State  follow  afterwards.  It  was  always  correct  to  take 
possession  of  a  strip  of  coast,  some  two  or  three  days* 
march  in  breadth,  and  come  to  an  amicable  convention 
with  the  negroes  in  the  rear ;  if  this  were  broken,  or 
if  any  other  acts  of  violence  took  place,  military  ex- 
peditions must  be  despatched  to  the  Hinterland  without 
delay,  to  give  the  aborigines  an  energetic  and  deterring 
punishment.  No  success  could  be  hoped  for  by  trans- 
planting the  Prussian  Government  assessor  and  his 
bureaucratic   system  to   Africa.      Work   at  the  green 


Commerce  and  Colonies  243 

table  was  the  very  last  thing  suitable  for  that  sphere. 
He,  the  Prince,  was  no  unconditional  adherent  of 
the  abolition  of  slavery,  which  had  existed  in  that 
country  for  thousands  of  years,  and  was  established 
because  of  the  local  conditions.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  brutal  and  wrongful  treatment  of  the  negroes, 
such  as  that  which  had  unfortunately  been  proved 
in  certain  cases  against  Germans,  must  be  disapproved 
of.  True,  he  did  not  believe  in  the  equality  of  all 
races,  but,  on  the  contrary,  he  believed  that  the 
negro  races  had,  by  a  Divine  Providence,  received  a 
different  destiny  to  that  of  the  whites;  but  it  would 
be  a  mistake  if  the  whites  made  use  of  their  supe- 
riority in  a  manner  which  ran  contrary  to  humanity 
as  well  as  to  practical  advantage.  There  was  in  negro 
races  something  of  the  nature  of  horses  and  dogs,  but 
the  system  of  training  even  animals  by  blows  was 
out  of  date.  An  old  riding  master  often  called  out 
in  the  manege  when  a  pupil  hit  his  horse  or  otherwise 
treated  it  harshly,  "Don't  hit  your  horse,  it  is  not 
to  blame  for  your  inability  to  ride;  your  treatment 
of  it  is  at  fault."  Moreover,  it  was  a  striking  ex- 
ample of  the  negro's  good  nature  that  five  whites,  as 
often  happened,  undertook  dangerous  expeditions  into 
the  interior  under  the  most  difficult  circumstances 
without  having  any  further  security  than  that  arising 
from  the  "  faith  and  loyalty  "  of  the  negroes.  If  there 
was  something  of  the  canine  character  in  the  black 
man,  it  was  no  disgrace  to  him,  and  the  whites,  who 
made  use  of  this  trait,  ought  to  avoid  treating  the  negro 
cruelly  just  because  of  this  canine  nature.  No  doubt 
the  negro  was  lazy,  and  had  to  be  driven,  but  not  by 


^44   Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

inhuman  means.  The  black  soldier,  also,  had  often 
enough  proved  that  he  was  not  wanting  in  courage  and 
self-sacrifice.  He  therefore  regretted  every  time  he 
read  reports  in  the  papers  about  occurrences  in  which 
it  happened  that  negroes  had  been  inhumanly  and 
unjustly  treated.  Major  Wissman  knew  how  to  deal 
with  negro  races. 


VI 

BISMARCK  AND   HIS  FELLOW-WORKERS 

The  years  preceding  1866  were  those  which  laid  the 
heaviest  burden  on  the  Chancellor's  shoulders,  since, 
both  at  home  and  abroad,  enormous  difficulties  had  to 
be  met  and  overcome  before  the  German  nation  could 
assume  the  place  to  which  Bismarck  felt  that  it  was 
entitled.  The  time  not  occupied  by  his  foreign 
policy  was  devoted  to  parliamentary  struggles  and 
contentions,  in  order  that  the  reorganization  of  the 
Prussian  Army,  the  basis  and  conditio  sine  qua  non 
of  all  later  successes,  might  be  secured.  Constitu- 
tional conflicts  also  caused  a  certain  stagnation  in 
domestic  legislation,  though  the  chief  reason  of  Bis- 
marck's comparative  inactivity  in  the  field  of  home 
politics  up  to  1866  lay  in  the  constitution  of  the 
Prussian  Ministry.  Each  minister  was  practically  an 
independent  entity  in  the  State,  and  was  only  bound 
to  bring  the  affairs  of  his  department  to  the  notice  of 
the  Ministry  for  deliberation. 

Bismarck's  complaints  about  this  want  of  power  in 
the  Ministry  date  from  an  early  period,  and  have  often 
been  asserted. 

"  The  President  of  the  Ministry,"  he  remarked  in  the 


246    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

House,  on  January  25,  1873,  "  has  no  greater  influence 
on  the  management  of  affairs  as  a  whole  than  any  one 
of  his  colleagues.  If  he  wishes  to  obtain  such  an  in- 
fluence, he  is  forced  to  gain  his  colleagues  over  by 
entreaties,  persuasion,  correspondence,  complaints  at 
Ministerial  meetings — in  short,  by  struggles  which  tax 
the  energy  of  the  individual  to  a  very  great  degree." 

And  again  on  December  1,  1874,  he  thus  alludes  to 
his  position  :  "  The  President  of  the  Ministry  is  merely 
an  ornamental  member.  I  direct  only  in  so  far  as  the 
order  of  business  is  concerned,  and  I  have  by  no  means 
the  disposal  of  the  same.  For  years  I  may  remain 
convinced  that  one  of  my  colleagues  does  not  choose 
the  way  for  which  I  could  accept  the  responsibility ; 
but  I  cannot  alter  matters  unless  I  force  him  to 
subordinate  his  views  in  some  particular  instance  to 
mine,  by  means  of  persuasion,  by  entreaties,  or  by  a 
majority  in  the  Ministry." 

Finally,  on  March  6,  1878,  Bismarck  practically 
denied  the  existence  of  a  President  of  the  Ministry  in 
Prussia :  there  was  only  a  Minister  who  bore  the  title 
and  had  to  lead  in  the  debates  officially ;  he  could  ash 
his  colleagues,  "but  he  has  no  orders  to  issue."  The 
King  was  the  real  de  facto  President  of  the  Ministry. 
(January  29,  1881.) 

From  these  expressions  of  his  views,  to  which  many 
more  might  be.  added,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  the 
powers  of  a  President  of  the  Ministry  were  too 
limited  for  a  man  of  Bismarck's  nature ;  the  whole 
apparatus  could  only  work  without  friction  when  con- 
genial spirits,  such  as  Bismarck  fortunately  found  in 
later  years,  shared  his  labours. 


Bismarck  and  his  Fellow-Workers     247 

To  mention  only  a  few  of  such  wearying  and  ex- 
hausting conflicts  of  opinions  in  the  Ministry,  the 
following  instances  may  be  cited. 

Count  von  Itzenplitz,  who  was  Minister  of  Commerce 
from  1862-1873,  permitted  his  department  to  remain 
a  hotbed  of  that  bureaucratism  which  was  so  distasteful 
to  Bismarck's  temperament  and  progressive  ideas.  The 
establishment  of  sound  "  Land-Credit "  of&ces  advanced 
too  slowly;  the  North-Sea-Baltic  Canal  threatened  to 
remain  unfinished,  and  only  repeated  entreaties  were, 
in  a  measure,  successful  in  pushing  forward  railway 
development. 

In  a  letter  addressed  (March  1,  1873)  to  Count  Eoon, 
who  was  then  President  of  the  Ministry,  Bismarck 
observed  that  he  had  often  had  occasion  to  disagree  with 
the  principles  pursued  by  the  Ministry  of  Commerce. 
"  I  have  hitherto  only  shown  my  dissent  by  a  negative 
vote  in  various  questions.  I  have  been  guided  in  this 
by  the  conviction  that  the  political  solidarity  of  the 
Ministry  of  State,  created  under  such  difficult  circum- 
stances and  maintained  under  changing  political  in- 
fluences, must  not  be  endangered  by  me,  because  I 
happen  to  know  the  wishes  of  his  Majesty  the  King. 
This  consideration  falls  to  the  ground  if  his  Excellency, 
Count  von  Itzenplitz,  who  has  for  ten  years  taken  his 
full  share  in  the  great  political  labours  of  the  Govern- 
ment, resigns  his  position  as  Minister  of  Commerce. 
In  that  case  considerations  for  the  personal  convictions 
of  an  old  colleague  no  longer  bind  me." 

The  friction  between  Bismarck  and  Herr  von  Bodel- 
schwingh.  Minister  of  Finance,  1862-1866,  reached  its 
climax  when  the  latter,  on  February  28,  1866,  warned 


248    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

the  Crown  Council  against  a  fratricidal  war  (with 
Austria).  A  couple  of  months  later  on  he  even 
suggested  that  the  Minister  of  War  should  cancel 
the  increase  of  the  army  establishment  of  horses. 
It  has  been  alleged  that  before  the  outbreak  of  the 
war  von  Bodelschwingh  declared  that  he  could  not 
procure  the  money  required  for  the  payment  of  the 
Army. 

How  deeply  Bismarck  resented  these  actions  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  he  would  not  willingly  speak  to  any 
member  of  Bodelschwingh's  party  (Conservative)  until 
his  opponent  had  retired  from  the  committee.  Even 
as  late  as  December,  1872,  Bismarck  expressed  his 
annoyance  that  the  Conservatives  should  have  followed 
the  lead  of  such  an  intriguer  as  Bodelschwingh. 

Though  von  der  Heydt  (Finance  Minister,  1866-1869) 
was  not  exactly  sympathetic  to  Bismarck,  he  was  at 
least  an  able  and  energetic  subordinate,  who  knew  how 
to  raise  money — "  and  that  is  what  we  want,"  observed 
his  chief.  Yet  differences  arose  between  the  Chancellor 
and  the  "  money  uncle,"  as  he  termed  him  in  a  letter 
to  Eoon,  which  led  to  his  retirement  in  1869.  Bismarck 
paid  full  tribute  to  his  qualities  in  the  Eeichstag,  by 
declaring,  "  We  cannot  doubt  his  patriotism,  his  honesty, 
nor,  least  of  all,  his  caution,  in  cases  such  as  the  one 
now  under  consideration." 

Bismarck  considered  Count  Harry  Arnim,  the  German 
Ambassador  at  Paris,  an  uncommonly  talented  diplomat, 
but  nevertheless  he  was  not  slow  in  recognizing  his 
faults:  impatient  ambition,  unbounded  vanity,  and  a 
tendency  to  act  in  politics  according  to  his  personal 
sympathies    and    inclination.       Besides    his    rapidly 


Bismarck  and  his   Fellow-Workers    249 

changing  impressions,  which  even  showed  themselves 
in  his  official  reports,  Count  Arnim  was  not  always  able 
to  draw  the  line  between  fact  and  fiction.  He  was 
intent  on  paving  the  way  for  a  restoration  of  the 
Empire  in  France  after  the  war,  because  he  con- 
sidered the  republic  to  be  a  dangerous  example  for 
Germany;  Bismarck,  on  the  other  hand,  thought  it 
a  deterrent  one,  and  demanded  that  the  Ambassador 
should  abstain  from  hostility  towards  M.  Thiers  and 
the  existing  form  of  government.  Arnim,  strong  in 
the  belief  in  himself,  did  not  gauge  the  future; 
Bismarck  repeatedly  urged  that  it  was  no  part  of 
Germany's  duty  to  render  France  capable  of  forming 
an  alliance,  but  rather  to  preserve  the  firm  connection 
between  the  remaining  great  monarchies  of  Europe 
which  could  not  be  endangered  by  any  republic.  No 
less  than  eight  despatches  were  addressed  to  Count 
Arnim  by  the  Foreign  Office  between  December  30, 
1872,  and  January  21,  1873.  It  is  therefore  not  sur- 
prising that  Bismarck  should  have  lost  patience  and 
informed  his  subordinate  that  in  order  to  carry  on  affairs 
one  must  demand  from  the  Imperial  agents  abroad  "  a 
higher  degree  of  obedience  and  a  lesser  measure  of  inde- 
pendent initiative  and  of  fruitfulness  of  political  views 
than  those  on  which  your  Excellency  has  hitherto  based 
your  reports  and  your  official  attitude." 

Arnim  complained  to  the  Emperor  about  this  last 
despatch ;  but  before  the  incorrect  copy,  which  he  sent  to 
his  Sovereign,  could  reach  its  destination,  the  Emperor 
had  decided  to  recall  the  Count  and  entrust  him  with 
the  new  Embassy  at  Constantinople.  On  the  2nd  of 
April,   1874,   however,   the  Vienna   Presse   published 


250    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

"  diplomatic  revelations "  dating  from  the  Vatican 
Concilium  (to  which  Arnim  wished  to  send  oratores, 
though  Bismarck  declined  to  interfere  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  the  Eoman  Catholic  Church),  which  obviously- 
aimed  at  glorifying  Arnim's  diplomatic  capabilities  at 
the  expense  of  Bismarck.  In  a  letter  to  the  Foreign 
Office,  Count  Arnim  disclaimed  all  responsibility  "  from 
any  point  of  view  "  for  these  Vienna  revelations.  He 
further  denied  having  sent  a  notice  to  the  Brussels 
Echo  du  Parlement  to  the  effect  that  he  had  resigned 
his  appointment,  and  that  Bismarck  intended  to  have 
current  business  in  Paris  transacted  in  future  by  a 
consul.  Both  these  denials  of  the  Count  in  official 
documents  were  untrue,  for  the  Brussels  rumour  was 
disseminated  by  his  press  agent.  Dr.  Beckmann,  and  he 
himself  directly  caused  the  publication  of  the  Vienna 
reports.  Moreover,  he  had  removed  a  large  number  of 
official  documents  from  the  Paris  Embassy  without 
informing  the  Foreign  Office,  and  either  delayed  or 
flatly  refused  to  return  them  when  called  upon  to  do  so. 
In  the  end.  Count  Arnim  was  sentenced  to  three 
months'  imprisonment  for  an  "offence  against  public 
order." 

Arnim,  however,  escaped  punishment  by  flight,  and 
in  exile  wrote  the  notorious  pamphlet  "  Pro  Nihilo,"  in 
which,  amongst  other  scandalous  crimes,  he  accused 
Bismarck  of  secretly  speculating  with  Bleichroder  on  the 
Bourse.  On  the  '5th  of  October,  1876,  ten  members  of 
the  Court  of  Justice  declared  Count  Arnim  to  be 
guilty  of  treason,  lese  majeste,  repeated  libels  on  Prince 
Bismarck  and  the  Foreign  Office,  and  condemned  him 
to  five  years'   penal  servitude.     The   Court   expressly 


Bismarck  and  his  Fellow-Workers    251 

declared  that  a  "  dishonourable  intention "  existed  in 
connection  with  his  crime  of  treason. 

The  following  instance  shows  clearly  how  strongly 
the  Chancellor  resented  any  improper  interference  by 
the  Councillors  of  the  King's  Privy  Cabinet,  civilian  or 
military,  in  the  affairs  of  the  Government. 

A  former  Hanoverian  post-office  official  was  recom- 
mended by  the  Chancellor's  Office  for  the  vacancy  at 
Frankfort-on-the-Main  in  1869.  Privy  Cabinet  Coun- 
cillor von  Muhler  felt  compelled  to  advise  the  King,  in 
his  official  capacity  as  acting  Chief  Petty  Councillor,  to 
abstain  from  making  this  appointment,  basing  his 
objection  on  the  fact  that  the  correspondence  of  the 
dethroned  King  of  Hanover  passed  through  Frankfort, 
so  that  it  would  be  distasteful  for  the  proposed  nominee 
to  execute  any  precautions  that  might  be  ordered.  The 
Civil  Cabinet  therefore  requested  the  Chancellor's  Office 
to  submit  another  name.  Von  Eoon,  acting  as  Bis- 
marck's substitute,  countersigned  the  declinatory  de- 
cision. Count  Bismarck  therefore  felt  compelled  to 
address  a  memorial  to  the  King  on  the  26th  of  August, 
1869,  in  which  inter  alia  he  observed — 

"Hitherto  it  has  never  happened  that  the  technical 
criticism  of  the  qualifications  of  a  person  has  been 
transferred  to  the  Civil  Cabinet.  If  the  Post- 
master-General is  no  longer  considered  capable  of 
appreciating  the  technical  qualifications  of  officials  of  his 
Department,  the  Cabinet  Councillor,  who  is  better  able 
to  judge,  should  replace  him  if  discipline  is  to  remain 
in  the  service.  The  latter  quality  cannot  be  preserved 
with  a  system  according  to  which  personal  qualifications 
are  judged  by  the  Cabinet,  while  the  centre  of  gravity 


252    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

of  personal  questions  is  transferred  to  an  authority 
which  is  not  officially  responsible.  By  such  a  system  a 
wide  door  would  be  opened  to  nepotism ;  of  this  we  are 
already  accused — especially  as  regards  the  appointments 
to  new  provinces,  and  this  accusation,  it  would  seem, 
is  not  without  justification.  The  present  case  appears 
to  be  without  precedent  in  the  service  of  Prussia.  If 
the  King  himself  is  in  favour  of  a  particular  official,  his 
Majesty  would  probably  not  keep  his  wishes  in  the 
background.  His  Majesty  has  hitherto  confidently 
entrusted  the  Postmaster-General  with  the  judgment  of 
the  qualifications  of  an  official.  In  this  case  therefore 
one  can  only  ascribe  the  Eoyal  decision,  declining  an 
official  proposal,  to  the  postal  representations  of  Cabinet 
Councillor  von  Miihler — a  method  of  influencing  the 
Eoyal  decisions  on  current  business  which  is  incom- 
patible with  the  position  of  the  Cabinet  Council,  and 
which  increases  and  impedes  business." 

In  the  memorial  to  the  King,  the  Chancellor  naturally 
restrained  his  anger,  but  the  more  terrible  was  the  out- 
pouring of  his  wrath  in  the  covering  letter  addressed  to 
Boon. 

"I  do  not  know  whether  Miihler  has  any  special 
candidate  in  view,  or  whether  he  has  only  this 
frivolous  motive  for  the  Eoyal  decision  in  order  to  cloak 
some  female  suggestion  [here  follow  the  names  of  in- 
fluential ladies].  But  I  cannot  get  on  with  Post-office 
camarillas  nor  harem  intrigues,  and  no  one  can  expect 
that  I  should  sacrifice  health,  life,  and  even  the  reputa- 
tion of  honesty  to  serve  such  plots.  I  have  not  slept 
for  thirty-six  hours ;  I  have  spat  bile  all  night,  and  my 
head  is  like  a  furnace  in  spite  of  compresses.     It  is 


Bismarck  and  his  Fellow- Workers    253 

enough  to  make  one  go  mad !  Forgive  my  excitement ; 
although  your  name  is  attached  to  the  affair,  I  cannot 
suppose  that  by  the  formality  of  signing  it  you  have 
identified  yourself  with  the  matter,  or  even  examined  it. 
I  myself  leave  such  matters  to  the  blameless  Philips- 
born  [the  Postmaster-General],  but  not  to  the  Cabinet 
Miihler  or  to [name  of  a  lady]." 

Eoon  replied  on  the  1st  of  September.  "  I  am 
heartily  sorry  that  by  my  counter-signature  I  have 
become  a  co-defendant.  But  in  my  excuse  I  may 
perhaps  remind  you  that  we  not  infrequently  counter- 
sign things  without  having  investigated  them  sufficiently. 
If  I  had  had  any  idea  of  the  effect  and  the  importance 
of  this  order  on  you,  I  would  have  remonstrated  against 
it,     I  am  ready  to  do  so  to-day." 

The  impression  which  Bismarck  made  on  his  subordi- 
nates in  office  is  thus  described  by  one  of  them :  * 

"  With  his  equipment  of  extraordinary  gifts  of  body, 
soul,  and  spirit,  he  towered  high  above  all  ordinary  sons 
of  men,  and  also  made  great  demands  on  the  working 
powers,  devotion  and  loyalty  of  his  subordinates.  On 
his  arrival  we  all  had  the  impression  that  he  looked 
upon  us  with  a  suspicious  eye,  as  if  he  thought  we  were 
perhaps  bribed,  or  were  under  some  other  sinister  in- 
fluence. But  when  he  had  convinced  himself  that  we 
were  all  honourable  men  and  good  Prussians  in  the 
bureau  of  the  Minister  of  State,  he  gave  us  his  confidence. 
For  all  that  we  were  only  the  tools  of  his  will,  no  room 
was  left  for  comfortable  relationship ;  but  I  believe  of  him 
that  he  was  wholly  and  entirely  in  the  service  of  his 
King  and  master  as  his  subject  and  vassal  with  his 

*  Privy  Councillor  Immanuel  Hegel. 


254   Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

possessions,  blood,  body  and  life,  and  was  prepared  to 
stake  everything  for  him. 

"  Owing  to  many  years  of  intercourse  with  Presidents 
of  the  Ministry  I  was  used  to  the  routine ;  I  conse- 
quently avoided  any  really  confidential  relationships ; 
acted  with  modesty,  and  yet  without  shyness,  and  I 
took  pains  to  do  my  duty  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  and 
to  help  the  President  of  the  Ministry  with  my  services 
so  far  as  mind  and  eye  could  reach.  Thus  I  also  gained 
Bismarck's  confidence ;  I  always  remained  frank  and 
sincere,  nor  did  he  ever  check  me  in  this.  During  the 
whole  time  of  my  connection  with  him  I  never  came 
into  conflict  or  received  a  slighting  word  from  him. 
Things  may  perhaps  have  changed  in  later  years.  ...  A 
comfortable,  self-contented  nonchalance  found  no  favour 
in  his  eyes ;  one  was  then  in  danger  of  being  cast  aside 
or  trodden  underfoot.  In  him  strong  self-respect,  a  fear- 
less energy,  an  imaginative  gift  of  combination,  and,  in 
spite  of  passionate  excitability,  a  surprising  sobriety, 
were  combined  with  calculated  moderation.  At  that 
time  there  was  a  violent  constitutional  conflict  with 
the  Liberal  Diet ;  and  during  the  crisis  I  watched  him 
with  unqualified  admiration.  His  genial  intuition — 
the  rapidity  with  which  he  weighed  and  decided 
between  conflicting  views  was  most  remarkable." 

A  similar  testimony  to  Bismarck's  sympathy  with 
loyal  and  industrious  subordinates  is  given  by  the  post- 
master in  Kissingen : 

"  Fifteen  summers  constitute  a  long  period,  and  yet  I 
seem  to  be  in  a  dream  when  I  think  of  how  I  stood  with 
a  beating  heart  for  the  first  time  as  a  young  official 
before  the  intellectual  giant,  who,  though  his  fame  was 


Bismarck  and  his  Fellow- Workers    255 

then  at  its  highest,  did  not  disdain  to  remember  a 
subordinate  official,  who  had  merely  done  his  duty. 
Thus  it  happened  through  many  a  summer  when  times 
became  quieter.  The  idyllic  sojourn  at  the  Upper 
Saline  was  only  interrupted  by  the  brilliant  ovations 
offered  to  the  Imperial  Chancellor  by  a  grateful  nation. 
A  serious  illness  brought  his  stay  at  the  world-famed 
resort  to  an  end.  A  few  years  later  I  was  a  guest  in 
the  Sachsenwald,  and  I  found  the  strength  of  the  old 
German  oak  broken.  So  much  is  written  of  Bismarck^s 
deeds  as  a  statesman — and  rightly  too ;  but  Bismarck  as 
a  man  also  possessed  virtues  which  distinguished  him 
from  the  multitude,  and  amongst  them  I  reckon  grati- 
tude towards  subordinates.  If  ever  one  had  an  oppor- 
tunity to  render  the  great  statesman  even  the  smallest 
service,  it  was  always  certain  to  be  acknowledged." 

Herr  von  Keudell  was  one  of  the  busiest  of  Bis- 
marck's subordinates  in  the  Foreign  Office  (1864-1872). 
To  him  Bismarck  entrusted  many  negotiations  with 
Bleichroder,  who  corresponded  with  Eothschild  and 
thus  communicated  various  matters  to  Napoleon  which 
could  not  be  done  officially  through  the  Ambassador  at 
Paris.  Amongst  his  other  duties  were  the  administration 
of  the  Guelph  Fund  and  the  superintendence  of  the 
political  press.  Herr  von  Keudell's  subsequent  resigna- 
tion of  his  appointment  as  Ambassador  at  the  Quirinal 
was  by  no  means  based  on  differences  with  the  Chancellor, 
as  has  been  maintained,  his  only  reason  being  his  desire 
to  give  his  children  a  German  education  and  to  avoid 
the  effect  of  a  southern  climate. 

William  I.  hesitated  a  long  time  before  he  could 
consent  to  sign  the  patent  appointing  Lothar  Bucher 


256    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

as  a  secretary  of  legation.  It  is  even  said  that  the  King 
crushed  his  pen  underfoot  in  his  indignation  that 
Bismarck  should  have  suggested  one  who  in  earlier  days 
had  been  such  an  opponent  of  taxation  for  an  appoint- 
ment in  the  Foreign  Office.  Later  on,  however,  he 
recognized  how  valuable  an  assistant  Bismarck  had 
acquired,  and  had  direct  relations  with  him  on  various 
occasions. 

Bucher  was  at  first  somewhat  ignored  by  his  col- 
leagues, and  for  the  time  being  it  was  considered 
advisable  that  no  mention  of  his  appointment  should  be 
made  in  the  Staats  Anzeiger.  His  capacity  for  work 
was  enormous ;  for  instance,  if  a  question  was  discussed 
at  dinner  in  Varzin,  the  following  morning  would  find 
an  exhaustive  promemoria  by  Bucher  on  the  Chancellor's 
breakfast -table.  Another  characteristic  trait  was  his 
great  capacity  for  silence,  and  many  a  guest  came  away 
from  Varzin  without  having  heard  even  one  word  from 
the  mouth  of  Privy  Councillor  Bucher. 

Concerning  Hermann  Wagener,  who  wished  to  retire 
on  being  passed  over  for  promotion,  the  Chancellor  wrote 
to  Boon  in  October,  1868  :  "  He  is  not  such  a  help  to  me 
officially  as  he  might  be  with  his  talents.  Inexperience 
of  office  work,  obstinacy,  threats  to  retire,  other  occupa- 
tions, and  above  all  the  shock  to  my  confidence  by 
Senfft's  threats  nomine  Wagener,  in  the  event  of  the 
latter  retiring,  intervene  and  disturb.  Yet  Wagener  is 
the  only  debater  of  the  Conservative  party,  hard  and 
uncomfortable  though  he  be,  who  is  still  necessaiy ;  and 
even  if  he  does  retire,  I  am  sure  he  has  sufficient  honour 
not  to  divulge  official  secrets.  For  parliamentary  reasons 
I  beg  you  to  avoid  precipitation  in  this  matter,  and  if 


Bismarck  and  his  Fellow- Workers     257 

necessary  to  influence  his  Majesty  in  this  direction. 
One  must  not  judge  Wagener  solely  as  a  ministerial 
councillor,  but  also  as  a  deputy  and  a  man  of  service 
to  the  Conservative  and  Eoyal  cause.  I  do  not  know 
who  is  to  replace  him  in  the  Chamber,  and  gratitude  is 
due  to  him  for  '  Forty-eight.'  " 

The  official  relationship  between  the  Chancellor  and 
Wagener  is  clearly  shown  by  the  following  exchange  of 
letters  at  the  commencement  of  the  "  Kultur-Kampf " 
in  February,  1872.  Wagener  wrote  as  follows :  "  I  beg 
to  report  most  obediently  to  your  Highness  that  I 
am  very  unwell  to-day  and  unable  to  work.  The 
reproaches  yesterday  evening  were  very  painful  to 
me,  the  more  so  as  they  must  convince  me  that 
my  powers  are  no  longer  equal  to  my  work."  The 
Prince  replied,  "  I  hope  that  you  will  soon  be  restored 
to  health ;  and  in  my  nervous  and  unhealthy  condition 
I  beg  that  you  will  not  make  my  life  more  burdensome 
by  disagreements  about  external  matters  than  it  is 
already.  You  are  the  only  one  of  my  entourage  with 
whom  I  can  speak  frankly  without  reservation,  and  if 
I  cannot  do  that  any  more  I  shall  be  suffocated  by  my 
bile.  I  have  not  reproached  you  so  much  as  the  slow 
progress  of  business  in  the  Ministry,  and  even  if  the 
former  had  been  the  case  I  should  think  that  you  ought 
to  be  able  to  pardon  so  old  and  much  tortured  a  friend." 

A  characteristic  trait  of  Bismarck's  methods  of 
educatiDg  his  sons  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  Count 
William  voted  against  a  resolution  of  the  Chancellor's 
in  the  Eeichstag.  On  being  questioned,  Bismarck 
replied  that  he  had  always  been  careful  to  preserve  the 
complete  independence  of  his  sons.    Greatly  against  the 


258    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

inclination  of  his  wife  he  never  asked  his  sons — even 
at  the  early  age  of  six — or  allowed  them  to  be  asked 
where  they  were  going,  but  permitted  them  to  act  freely 
for  themselves. 

Count  William's  career  as  a  member  of  the  Reichstag 
was  a  comparatively  short  one,  and  his  activity  was 
displayed  rather  behind  the  scenes  as  an  intermediary 
between  his  father  and  the  Parliamentarians  than  as  a 
principal  actor  on  the  stage,  Nevertheless,  in  fighting 
against  the  Chancellor's  opponents,  Count  William's 
vigorous  efforts  attracted  the  special  attention  of  Eugen 
Eichter's  faction,  and  so  it  happened  that  he  lost  his 
seat  at  the  autumn  election  of  1881,  and  since  then  he 
has  only  sat  in  the  Prussian  House  of  Deputies. 

In  1885,  after  serving  as  assistant  to  Herr  von  Tiede- 
mann  in  the  Imperial  Chancellerie,  and  also  as  secretary 
to  his  father  in  the  Prussian  Ministry,  Count  William 
was  appointed  Landrat  (district  magistrate)  of  Hanau; 
but  even  there  the  hatred  of  his  father's  opponents 
pursued  him.  A  revocation  of  the  order  forbidding 
merry-go-rounds  to  be  accompanied  by  barrel-organs, 
and  an  admonition  to  National  School  teachers  against 
Irequenting  public-houses  and  playing  cards,  called 
down  on  him  the  anathemas  of  the  champions  for  the 
liberty  and  equal  rights  for  all  men. 

On  being  appointed  to  the  Presidency  of  the  Govern- 
ment in  Hanover  four  years  later,  however,  Count 
William  learned  that  his  efforts  for  the  welfare  of 
Hanau  had  not  passed  unappreciated,  and  the  departure 
of  "  Count  Bill "  was  lamented  on  all  sides. 

On  the  dismissal  of  Prince  Bismarck  and  the  resigna- 
tion of  Count  Herbert  in  1890,  Count  William  remained 


Bismarck  and  his  Fellow- Workers    259 

in  office,  and  in  due  course  (in  1895)  was  promoted  to 
the  province  of  East  Prussia. 

After  probationary  service  in  1874  in  the  Embassies 
at  Dresden  and  Munich,  Count  Herbert  Bismarck  com- 
menced his  political  career  as  his  father's  amanuensis 
and  secretary.  The  Chancellor  had  need  of  such  loyal 
and  discreet  help,  since  State  secrets,  as  Louis  XIV. 
said,  must  be  entrusted  to  the  fewest  possible  hands. 
But  Count  Herbert  was  also  of  service  in  negotiating 
matters  on  behalf  of  the  Chancellor,  such,  for  instance, 
as  the  occupation  and  administration  of  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina  at  the  time  of  the  Berlin  Congress,  and, 
later  on  in  London,  in  connection  with  Lord  Granville's 
indiscretions  regarding  Egypt  and  Samoa. 

In  November,  1881,  Count  Herbert  was  attached  to 
the  London  Embassy  under  Count  Miinster,  where  he 
remained  until  1884,  and  thus  witnessed  the  first  efforts 
of  German  colonial  policy,  which  afterwards  were  to 
fall  into  his  hands  for  development.  A  few  months 
were  then  passed  at  the  Embassy  to  the  Eussian  Court, 
where  Count  Herbert  met  Prince  William  (the  present 
Emperor)  of  Prussia  at  the  coming-of-age  festivities  of 
the  Czarewitch  in  May,  1884.  On  his  return  from 
Eussia,  Count  Herbert  was  appointed  Ambassador  at 
the  Hague. 

In  the  autumn  of  1884,  three  years  after  his  brother 
had  lost  his  seat.  Count  Herbert  was  returned  to  the 
Eeichstag  by  a  Schleswig-Holstein  constituency.  On 
May  11,  1885,  he  was  appointed  Under  Secretary  of 
State  in  the  Foreign  Office,  but  since  his  chief.  Count 
Hatzfeldt,  had  been  transferred  to  London,  the  bulk 
of  the  work  fell  on  his  shoulders  at  the  time  when 


26o    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

Germany's  colonial  policy  was  first  being  developed. 
On  his  promotion  as  Secretary  of  State  in  May,  1886, 
a  noisy  clamour  was  raised  by  the  Opposition.  They 
said  that  the  traditions  and  routine  of  the  various  diplo- 
matic personages,  with  whom  he  had  now  to  correspond, 
were  unknown  to  him.  His  opponents  affected  to  for- 
get his  many  years'  experience  of  practical  diplomacy 
under  his  father's  immediate  supervision,  and  it  was 
absurd  to  maintain  that  Count  Herbert  was  unac- 
quainted with  either  office  routine  or  diplomatists  in 
general.  It  was  not  without  reason  that  he  was  de- 
clared to  be  the  Chancellor's  "most  trusted  assistant 
in  politics."  It  was,  besides,  of  vital  importance  to 
the  quick  despatch  of  business  that  the  discussion  of 
these  affairs  with  the  Chancellor  should  be  settled  as 
soon  as  possible,  and  in  this  his  son's  position  enabled 
such  decisions  to  be  obtained  with  the  least  delay. 
Count  Herbert's  promotion  at  the  age  of  thirty-eight  as 
Minister  on  April  26,  1888,  by  the  Emperor  Frederick, 
again  gave  rise  to  discussion  about  such  youthful 
ministers.  However,  even  in  the  Bismarck  family 
this  appointment  had  a  precedent,  for  among  others 
who  had  attained  such  high  rank  at  an  early  age  was 
William  Augustus  von  Bismarck,  an  ancestor  of  the 
Count,  who  was  appointed  Minister  of  War  in  1782 
at  the  age  of  thirty-two. 

It  was  under  William  II.  that  Count  Herbert's  energy 
and  diplomatic  talents  had  most  scope.  The  difficulties 
with  England  and  the  United  States  concerning  the 
Samoan  question,  where  a  party  of  German  marines 
suffered  a  reverse  at  the  hands  of  the  insurgents,  were 
settled,  at  least  for  the  time  being,  by  a  Conference  at 


Bismarck  and  his  Fellow-Workers     261 

Berlin  in  1889,  over  which  he  presided.  The  German 
colonial  policy  in  East  and  West  Africa  was  under  the 
direct  superintendence  of  Count  Herbert,  and  also  in- 
cluded the  question  of  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade, 
which  the  Chancellor  had  left  entirely  in  the  hands  of  liis 
son.  After  accompanying  the  Emperor  on  his  travels 
to  the  various  European  Courts,  Count  Herbert  paid  a 
visit  to  England  in  March,  1889,  to  ascertain  the  wishes 
of  the  Queen  as  to  the  approaching  visit  of  the  Emperor, 
which  took  place  in  August  of  the  same  year. 

As  the  Chancellor's  advancing  years  rendered  his 
parliamentary  soirees  burdensome  to  him.  Count  Herbert 
stepped  into  the  breach  and  relieved  his  father  of  the 
greater  part  of  his  social  duties. 

Since  the  plan  that  Prince  Bismarck  should  be  gradu- 
ally relieved  of  his  of&ces — he  was  to  remain  Imperial 
Chancellor,  with  Count  Herbert  as  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  and  Herr  von  Boetticher  as  President  of  the 
Prussian  Ministry — came  to  naught.  Count  Herbert 
followed  his  father's  example  and  sent  in  his  resignation, 
though  the  Emperor,  according  to  the  Kolnische  ZeituTig, 
repeatedly  attempted  to  dissuade  him  from  this  step. 


VII 


IN   LIGHTER   VEIN 

After  working  late  at  night  with  his  secretaries  at 
Berlin  on  November  21,  1876,  Prince  Bismarck  joined 
the  family  circle  for  a  cup  of  tea.  The  conversation 
eventually  turned  on  the  Eeichstag,  which  had  just 
been  opened,  and  the  Prince  expressed  the  opinion  that 
the  session  would  end  before  Christmas. 

"Man  proposes  and — Lasker  disposes,"  interrupted 

Herr  von  P .     The  Prince  frowned  as  if   the  jest 

did  not  please  him ;  but  Privy  Councillor  L did  not 

appear  to  have  noticed  this,  for  he  remarked,  "  A  curious 
document  reached  me  to-day ;  it  is  entitled  '  The  best 
means  of  curtailing  the  sessions  of  the  Eeichstag  and 
Landtag,'  or,  '  What  Lasker  costs  the  State  every  year.'  " 

A  shout  of  laughter  followed,  in  which  every  one 
joined  with  the  exception  of  Prince  Bismarck. 

"Where  is  the  document,  my  dear  Councillor?" 
asked  Herr  von  P . 

"  Oh !  I  have  got  it  here,  and  I  would  read  it  aloud 
if  I  thought  it  would  not  be  tedious  to  the  company." 

Every  one  wished  that  the  pamphlet  should  be  read 
aloud,  and  the  Prince  assented  by  his  silence. 

Privy  Councillor  L then  commenced — 


In  Lighter  Vein  263 

"Since  Lasker  first  mounted  the  parliamentary 
tribune  in  1865  he  has  uttered  a  total  of  927,745,328 
words  in  the  Donhofsplatz  and  at  the  other  end  of  the 
Leipzigerstrasse — 154  times  as  many  words  as  the 
whole  of  the  Old  Testament,  including  the  Apocrypha, 
contains;  or  42  times  as  many  as  Goethe  wrote; 
or  3*9  times  as  many  as  Cicero  used  in  the  speeches 
which  have  been  preserved.  If  all  the  words  spoken 
by  Lasker  were  written  consecutively  on  one  strip  of 
paper  they  would  go  more  than  nine  times  round  the 
world,  that  is  to  say,  nine  times  from  Berlin  across 
the  Atlantic  to  America,  the  Pacific,  Japan,  Asia, 
Jerusalem,  and  back  again  to  Berlin."  Eenewed  laughter, 
in  which  the  Prince,  at  first  reluctantly,  joined.  "If 
Lasker  continues  to  talk  at  that  rate,  the  strip  will 
soon  reach  from  the  Donhofsplatz  to  the  moon." 

"Pray  how  long  will  it  be  before  it  reaches  the 
sun  ? "  asked  a  lady. 

"  The  statistician  unfortunately  does  not  say,"  replied 
L .  "  Lasker  has  moved  a  total  of  27,334  amend- 
ments, of  which  27,211  have  been  carried.  In  eleven 
years,  only,  the  shorthand  reports  record  no  less  than 
11,874  cheers,  of  which  8,881  were  'loud.'  He  has 
only  once  been  called  to  order." 

"  What ! "  exclaimed  the  audience,  "  Lasker  has  been 
called  to  order  ? " 

"  Certainly,"  interrupted  the  Prince,  "  a  year  ago  in 
the  Eeichstag  on  account  of  a  remark  about  Windthorst. 
It  is  the  only  thing  upon  which  I  can  heartily  con- 
gratulate him." 

And  so  the  merry  jest  proceeded  until  Bismarck,  in 
reply  to  his  wife,  observed,  "  I  should  be  quite  pleased 


264    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

to  have  Lasker  in  the  Ministry,  only  he  is  too  many 
sided.  Choice  is  tiresome ;  I  should  not  know  whether 
to  entrust  him  with  Justice,  Finance,  the  Interior,  or 
Commerce." 

"War,  my  dear  Otto,  War,"  interrupted  Herr  von 
P . 

"  Or  Public  Worship,"  remarked  a  lady. 

"Well,"  replied  the  Prince,  "a  good  lawyer  easily 
makes  a  good  Minister  of  Public  Worship,  either 
Palk  or  Lasker."  A  remark  that  caused  general 
astonishment. 
4"  The  following  amusing  anecdote  was  related  at  dinner 
one  evening  by  Bismarck : — 

"  The  Grand  Duke  of  Mecklenburg  was  gambling  at 
the  Doberan  tables,  and  was  betting  on  the  same  numbers 
as  a  rich  master  potter  who  stood  next  to  him.  Both 
having  lost  their  money,  the  Grand  Duke  inquired,  "  Na 
Potter  wat  makt  vir  nu  ?  "  (Well,  potter,  what  shall  we 
do  now?)  "Oh,"  replied  the  master  potter,  " Hoheit 
schriewen  Steurn  ut,  un  ik  maJc  Pott ! "  (Your  Highness 
will  screw  up  the  taxes,  and  I  shall  make  pots !) 

In  expressing  his  sincere  pleasure  that  the  fourth 
part  of  the  congratulatory  letters,  poems,  etc.,  on  the 
occasion  of  his  birthday  should  have  come  from  women 
and  girls,  Bismarck  remarked,  "  I  consider  this  a  good 
sign,  for,  to  judge  by  my  own  experience,  the  good 
will  of  women  is  not  so  easily  gained  as  that  of  men. 
Moreover,  the  fair  sex  has  never  been  partial  to  me. 
— I  don't  know  why.  I  shall  never  forget  the  Grand 
Duchess  X.  She  would  not  have  anything  to  do  with 
me.  She  used  to  say  that  I  was  too  arrogant,  that  I 
spoke  as  if  I  were  a  Grand  Duke.     Apparently  she 


In  Lighter  Vein  265 

divided  the  human  race  into  three  classes — whites,  blacks, 
and  Grand  Dukes ;  but  she  of  course  places  the  Grand 
Dukes  first." 

St.  Petersburg  society  in  1859  was  agreeably  sur- 
prised with  its  new  Ambassador,  for  until  his  arrival 
it  had  been  accustomed  to  court-bred  pedants,  whose 
chief  object  was  to  bask  in  the  Czar's  favour.  The 
original  and  forcible  character  of  the  new  Prussian 
representative  was  therefore  all  the  more  welcome ;  and 
though  the  Bismarcks  were  unable  to  vie  vnih  the 
splendid  entertainments  of  the  other  diplomats  of  the 
Eussian  capital,  the  little  dinners  and  soirees  at  their 
house,  near  the  Nikolai  Bridge,  were  far  more  popular 
than  were  the  tedious  display  of  others. 

Bismarck's  relations  with  Alexander  II.  were  also  on 
a  very  different  footing  to  those  of  his  predecessor.  For 
instance,  at  a  dinner  given  in  honour  of  the  King  of 
Prussia,  the  Czar  omitted  to  drain  his  glass  in  toasting 
his  uncle,  expressing  the  wish  to  devote  the  remainder 
to  Bismarck's  health.  Bismarck  pretended  embarrass- 
ment, and  pointing  to  his  own  empty  glass,  remarked, 
"  I  would  willingly  follow  your  Majesty,  but  we  Germans 
have  a  saying,  '  He  who  means  well  drains  his  glass.' " 
The  Czar  smiled,  finished  his  glass,  and  drank  Bismarck's 
health  in  a  fresh  bumper. 
^  That  Bismarck  could  take  a  joke  against  himself  in 
good  part  is  shown  by  an  incident  which  occurred  at 
the  Wallner  Theatre  at  Berlin,  in  1863.  Herr  von  Beust 
and  Bismarck  went  to  see  a  new  play,  in  which  the 
recent  press  measures  came  in  for  unstinted  criticism. 
Both  Ministers  joined  in  the  loud  applause  which 
rewarded  the  efforts  of  the   actor,  who,  in  spite  of 


266    Conservations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

repeated  calls,  refused  to  appear  on  the  stage.  At 
last  he  came  forward  and  remarked  with  the  utmost 
calm,  "It  was  not  necessary  to  call  me.  Behind 
that  door  I  hear  everything  that  goes  on  in  here." 
Eenewed  bursts  of  applause  greeted  the  hit  at  Bismarck, 
for  he  had,  a  short  time  before,  left  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies  during  a  violent  attack  on  the  Ministry  and 
retired  to  the  Ministers'  room  close  by.  One  of  the 
speakers  then  remarked  on  the  absence  of  the  Minister 
against  whom  the  attack  was  directed.  Bismarck  sud- 
denly entered  the  Chamber  with  the  words,  "  It  is  not 
necessary  to  call  me,  for  I  can  hear  so  loud  a  voice 
even  in  the  next  room !  " 

Bismarck  once  related,  in  tones  of  the  warmest 
appreciation,  the  following  characteristic  traits  of  the 
great  Field  Marshal,  Count  Moltke  : — 

'*He  was  quite  an  exception  in  his  punctilious 
devotion  to  duty;  his  was  a  peculiar  nature,  always 
ready  and  implicitly  reliable,  because  he  was  cool  to 
the  very  core.  He  w^ould  never  have  forgiven  himself 
the  least  irregularity,  even  in  his  dress."  Always  a 
quatre  epingles,  the  saying  of  the  ever  correct  clock  of  duty 
applied  to  him  by  day  and  by  night.  Bismarck  himself 
was  far  behind  him  so  far  as  externals  were  concerned. 

"  It  often  happened  that  I  had  to  wake  Moltke  and 
go  with  him  to  the  King  when  particularly  important 
news  arrived.  On  such  occasions  I  had  the  right  to 
call  my  old  master  up  at  any  hour  of  the  night.  After 
passing  through  all  the  guards  and  other  obstacles  to 
reach  Moltke,  I  had  only  to  wait  five,  or,  at  the  most, 
ten  minutes.  Then  he  was  ready  :  washed,  faultlessly 
dressed  according  to  regulation,  with  even  his  boots 


In  Lighter  Vein  267 

freshly  polished.  Once  it  happened  that  the  King  said 
to  me  when  we  went  to  him,  '  What !  a  white  tie  so 
early  in  the  morning V  'At  your  Majesty's  service,' 
I  replied ;  '  but  it  dates  from  yesterday.'  It  was  about 
this  time  that  I  heard  the  only  joke  which  ever  fell 
from  Moltke's  lips.  It  was  indeed  a  most  critical  time  : 
the  last  few  days  before  our  invasion  of  Bohemia  and 
Saxony.  I  had  received  news  which  made  an  earlier 
commencement  of  the  struggle  seem  advisable,  so 
I  begged  Moltke  to  come  to  me,  and  asked  him  if  we 
could  start  twenty-four  hours  earlier  than  had  been  fixed. 
In  reply  he  asked  for  paper  and  pencil,  and  went  into 
the  next  room.  After  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour  he 
returned  and  said,  '  Yes,  it  is  possible.'  To  be  able  to 
effect  this  had  the  same  influence  on  him  as  a  glass  of 
champagne  would  have  on  one  of  us ;  in  other  words,  the 
bloodthirsty  creature  became  so  joyful  that  from  very 
light-heartedness  he  made,  I  believe,  the  only  joke  of  his 
life.  He  had  grasped  the  door-knob  ready  to  depart, 
but  turned  to  me  again  and  said,  *  Do  you  know  that 
the  Saxons  have  blown  up  the  bridge  over  the  Elbe  at 
Dresden  ? '  '  Oh,  that  is  indeed  bad  news ! '  said  I. 
'  With  water,'  *  added  Moltke,  and  promptly  departed. 
Yes,  yes ;  his  was  quite  a  different  nature  to  mine. 
He  never  was  a  runaway." 

In  the  old  Frankfort  days  Bismarck  did  eventually 
arrive  at  a  fair  understanding  with  Count  Thun, 
though  the  latter,  from  the  first,  sought  to  lord  it  over 
his  colleague  by  receiving  him  in  his  shirt-sleeves.  With 
ready  wit  the  Prussian  remarked,  "  Your  Excellency  is 

*  A  play  on  the  words  gesprengt  (blown  up)  and  betprengt 
(watered). 


268    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

quite  right ;  it  is  terribly  hot,"  and,  taking  off  his  coat, 
sat  down  beside  his  would-be  master. 

During  the  halt  of  the  Eoyal  headquarters-staff  at 
Mayence,  in  August,  1870,  a  barber  was  summoned  to 
the  Chancellor's  quarters.  On  entering  the  room  the 
man  saw  Bismarck  in  an  easy  chair,  smoking  his  "  long  " 
pipe,  and  reading  his  correspondence.  Going  up  to 
the  astonished  barber  the  Chancellor  said  the  one  word 
"Shave,"  put  his  pipe  away,  sat  down  and  placed  a 
napkin  round  his  neck.  The  barber  completed  his 
work  in  absolute  silence — mirabile  clictu ! — and  was  dis- 
missed -s^ith,  "  Again  to-morrow."  This  silent  inter- 
view was  repeated  day  by  day  until  the  day  of  his 
departure,  when  the  Chancellor  jokingly  inquired, 
"You  will  accept  Prussian  money  in  payment?" 
"  Certainly,  your  Excellency ;  in  that  respect  I'm  like 
a  Prussian:  I  take  what  I  can  get,"  which  repartee 
gained  him  six  thalers  and  a  hearty  laugh  from 
Bismarck. 

Eeference  was  once  made  to  Bismarck's  intercepted 
"  Sedan  "  letter  to  his  wife,  which  was  published  in  fac- 
simile by  the  Figaro.  "  Yes,"  said  Bismarck ;  "  I  was 
more  fortunate  than  many  others,  whose  letters  were 
intercepted  during  the  war ;  my  letter  might  be  made 
public,  and  so  it  was  eventually  read  by  her  to  whom  it 
was  addressed.  In  the  year  1866  a  whole  Saxon  post 
was  brought  to  me,  amongst  others  a  letter  of  a  Saxon 
Prince.  I  had  to  'open  it.  The  Saxons  had  just  been 
defeated ;  the  Prussians  were  victorious  everywhere,  and 
yet  the  letter  contained  a  scathing  criticism  of  the 
Prussian  troops  .  .  .  'the  fellows  can't  even  shoot.' 
...  I  sealed  it  up  again  without  taking  a  copy." 


In  Lighter  Vein  269 

During  the  subsequent  course  of  the  conversation  the 
Prince  observed,  "  When  such  a  new  Minister  has  got 
his  first  few  crachats  (stars)  and  stands  in  front  of  a 
looking-glass,  he  slaps  himself  on  his  chest  and  says, 
'  You  really  are  a  very  fine  fellowj '  and  from  that 
moment  he  knows  everything  better  than  any  one 
else." 

At  dinner  at  Eethel,  on  September  4,  1870,  Bismarck 
observed  to  his  neighbour.  Count  Frederick  Beust, 
that  he  had  had  an  interview  with  Napoleon  on  the 
day  after  Sedan,  whilst  Moltke  was  arranging  with 
Wimpffen  for  the  surrender  of  Sedan.  As  it  would 
have  been  bad  taste  to  discuss  politics  at  this  meeting, 
the  conversation  rather  resembled  a  talk  with  "  a  young 
girl  with  whom  one  dances  the  cotillon  for  the  first 
time,  and  with  whom  one  is  not  well  acquainted." 

Count  Beust,  Aide-de-camp  to  the  Grand  Duke  of 
Saxe-Weimar,  congratulated  Bismarck  at  Versailles,  on 
January  15,  1871,  on  the  excellent  relations  existing 
between  the  German  Chancellor  and  his  namesake. 
Count  Beust,  the  Austrian  Minister.  "  Yes,"  said  Bis- 
marck, "  that  is  all  very  well ;  but  it  always  reminds 
me  of  the  story  of  the  slater  who,  in  falling  from  a 
tower,  remarked  as  he  passed  each  story,  *  All's  well 
so  far.' " 

Later  on,  when  dessert  was  being  passed  round, 
Bismarck  observed,  "  We  should  not  have  been  tempted 
by  apples  had  we  been  in  Adam's  place  ;  it  would  have 
had  to  be  oysters  or  boar's  head  at  the  very  least." 

It  was  in  Madame  Jesse's  house  at  Versailles  that 
Bismarck  gave  utterance  to  a  multitude  of  oUter  dicta 
regarding  the  very  necessary  occupations  of  eating  and 


270    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

drinking.  He  admitted  smilingly  that  his  appetite 
was  hereditary.  "  In  our  family  we  are  all  large  eaters. 
If  there  were  many  of  the  same  capacity  in  the  country 
the  State  could  not  exist;  I  should  emigrate.  ...  I 
admit  that  I  eat  too  much,  or  rather  too  much  at 
one  time.  I  cannot  rid  myself  of  the  folly  of  having 
only  one  meal  in  the  day.  Formerly  it  was  even  worse, 
for  then  I  only  drank  tea  in  the  early  morning  and 
ate  nothing  at  all  until  5  p.m.,  though  I  smoked  in- 
cessantly, and  that  did  me  a  great  deal  of  harm.  By 
doctor's  advice  I  now  eat  at  least  two  eggs  in  the 
morning  and  smoke  but  little.  But  I  am  to  have 
several  meals — to-day  one  and  a  half  beefsteaks  and  a 
few  slices  of  pheasant.  That  sounds  rather  much,  but 
it  is  not  much,  for  as  a  rule  it  is  my  only  meal.  I 
breakfast,  it  is  true,  but  the  meal  only  consists  of  two  eggs 
and  a  cup  of  tea  without  milk.  After  that  nothing  till 
the  evening.  If  I  eat  a  quantity  then  I  am  like  a  boa 
constrictor,  but  I  cannot  sleep." 

Looking  at  the  menu  one  day  he  laughingly  remarked, 
"  There's  always  one  dish  too  many.  I  am  resolved  to 
ruin  my  digestion  with  duck  and  olives,  and  now  there 
is  Rheinfelder  ham,  of  which  I  must  now  eat  too  much 
for  fear  of  not  getting  my  share  (the  Chancellor  was 
absent  from  breakfast  that  day,  December  22,  1870), 
and  there  is  also  wild  boar  from  Varzin."  Ham 
seems  to  have  been  a  favourite  dish  of  the  Chancellor, 
for  on  another  occasion  when  he  was  to  dine  with  the 
Crown  Prince,  he  remained  at  his  own  table  until  the 
Varzin  ham  was  brought  in,  having  told  the  footman, 
"Bring  it  in  whilst  I  am  here;  it  must  be  consumed 
with  my  co-operation — with  thoughts  of  home." 


I 


In  Lighter  Vein  271 

The  Prince  was  also  very  fond  of  hard-boiled  eggs, 
though  in  1870  he  could  not  manage  more  than  three, 
whilst  formerly  he  was  able  to  eat  eleven  at  one  time. 
Count  Bismarck-Bohlen  then  observed  that  he  had  once 
eaten  fifteen  plover's  eggs.  "I  am  ashamed,"  replied 
Bismarck,  "  to  say  what  my  performances  have  been  in 
that  respect."  No  doubt  the  "loyal  men  of  Jever " 
could  have  given  him  an  honourable  testimonial  in 
the  matter. 

The  appearance  of  carp  on  the  table  one  day  gave 
the  Chancellor  an  occasion  to  discuss  the  merits  and 
demerits  of  the  finny  tribe.  Marena  and  trout  were  his 
favourites  amongst  fresh-water  fish,  but  on  the  whole 
he  preferred  their  ocean  brethren,  especially  the  cod. 
"But  a  well-smoked  flounder  is  also  not  bad,  and  I 
should  not  like  to  see  even  the  common  herring  de- 
spised when  it  is  fresh."  About  oysters  he  said,  "  In 
my  young  days  I  did  as  great  a  service  to  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Aix-la-Chapelle  as  Ceres  did  to  humanity  by 
the  invention  of  agriculture ;  that  is,  by  teaching  them 
how  to  roast  oysters."  The  Chancellor's  receipt  ran 
thus,  "  Sprinkle  the  oysters  with  grated  Parmesan  and 
bread  crumbs,  and  roast  them  in  their  shells  over  a 
clear  fire." 

Bismarck  recalled  with  pleasure  the  flavour  of  fresh 
lampreys,  and  also  praised  the  Elbe  salmon,  which  he 
declared  was  "the  correct  mean  between  the  Baltic 
and  the  Khine  salmon,  which  is  too  fat  to  suit  me." 
The  next  topic  was  bankers'  dinners,  "  where  a  dish  is 
not  considered  good  unless  it  is  expensive;  carp,  for 
instance,  is  despised  because  it  is  a  comparatively  cheap 
fish  in  Berlin.     Pike-perch  is  preferred  because  it  is 


272    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

difficult  to  transport.  Besides  I  do  not  care  for  it,  and 
I  think  as  little  of  muraena — the  meat  is  too  soft.  On 
the  other  hand,  I  could  eat  marenas  every  day,  in  fact 
I  almost  prefer  them  to  trout,  which  I  only  like  when 
they  are  medium-sized,  about  half  a  pound  in  weight. 
There  is  not  much  to  be  said  in  praise  of  the  large  ones, 
which  it  was  customary  to  serve  at  the  Frankfort  dinners. 
They  generally  come  from  the  Heidelberg  Wolfsbrunnen, 
and  are  expensive  enough,  so  they  must  appear  on  the 
menu." 

Good  mutton  and  brisket  of  beef  were  amongst  the 
favourite  dishes  of  the  Prince's  table,  whilst  fillet  and 
roast  beef  were  not  much  relished.  Of  hares  he  ob- 
served, "  A  French  hare  is  really  nothing  in  comparison 
to  a  Pomeranian  hare ;  it  does  not  taste  like  game  at  all. 
How  different  are  our  hares  which  get  their  good  flavour 
from  heather  and  thyme." 

At  the  time  the  Parisians  were  compelled  to  turn  to 
horses  and  other  animals  for  their  food,  Bismarck  in- 
quired one  day  at  table,  "  Is  that  du  cheval  ?  "  and  on 
receiving  the  answer  that  it  was  honest  ox,  continued, 
"  It  is  curious  that  one  does  not  eat  horse-flesh  unless 
compelled  to,  like  the  people  in  Paris  who  soon  will 
have  little  else  to  eat.  The  probable  reason  is  because 
the  horse  is  more  akin  to  us  than  other  animals.  As  a 
rider,  we  are,  as  it  were,  a  part  of  it.  It's  the  same  with 
the  dog.  Bu  chien  is  said  to  taste  quite  nice,  and  yet  we 
*  don't  eat  it.  Thd  more  familiar  a  thing  is  to  us  the  less 
we  like  to  eat  it.  It  must  be  very  disgusting  to  eat 
monkeys,  whose  hands  look  human !  Neither  does  one 
care  to  eat  carnivora — animals  of  prey,  wolves,  lions,  even 
bears ;  though  the  latter  live  less  on  flesh  than  on  plants. 


In  Lighter  Vein  273 

I  do  not  even  like  to  eat  a  chicken  that  has  been  fed 
on  meat — not  even  its  eggs." 

Bismarck's  favourite  fruit  were  cherries,  and  blue 
plums  stood  next  in  his  estimation.  As  the  Gruyere 
was  being  handed  round,  some  one  asked  the  Chancellor 
whether  cheese  and  wine  went  well  together.  "  Different 
kinds  to  different  wines,"  was  the  reply ;  "  sharp  tasting 
cheeses,  like  Gorgonzola  and  Dutch  cheese,  do  not,  but 
others  certainly  do.  At  the  time  when  there  was  much 
drinking  in  Pomerania,  two  centuries  ago,  the  Eammin 
family  were  the  hardest  drinkers.  One  of  them  got 
some  wine  from  Stettin  which  he  did  not  care  about, 
and  so  he  complained  to  the  wine  merchant.  He 
received  the  following  reply,  'Eat  cheese  with  your 
wine,  Herr  von  Eammin;  the  wine  will  then  taste 
the  same  in  Eammin  as  it  does  in  Stettin.'"  This 
anecdote  led  to  the  subject  of  drinks  in  general. 
When  the  Chancellor  and  his  staff  were  in  St.  Avoid, 
the  possibility  of  finding  themselves  without  beer  was 
mooted,  but  Bismarck  thought  that  would  not  be  a 
great  loss.  "The  vastly  increasing  consumption  of  beer 
is  to  be  deprecated.  Beer  makes  a  man  stupid,  lazy, 
and  incapable.  It  is  the  cause  of  all  the  democratic 
political  discussions  to  which  men  listen.  A  good 
corn-brandy  would  be  preferable."  A  glass  of  brandy 
at  dinner  reminded  the  Chancellor  of  the  following 
dictum :  "  Lately — if  I  am  not  mistaken  it  was  at 
Ferrieres — a  general  enunciated  the  following  maxim 
regarding  the  beverages  of  mankind :  claret  for  children, 
champagne  for  men,  brandy  for  generals."  One  day 
Count  Bismarck-Bohlen,  who  looked  after  the  com- 
missariat of  the  Chancellor's  suite,  reported.  No  more 

T 


274   Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

brandy !  The  Chancellor  replied,  "  Telegraph  at  once, 
'  Old  Nordhauser  (corn-brandy)  quite  indispensable  at 
headquarters ;  send  two  jars  immediately.'  " 

Here  it  may  be  mentioned  that  Count  Moltke  was 
not  only  a  great  general,  but  also  a  talented  inventor 
of  new  drinks.  After  a  day's  shooting  with  Bismarck, 
in  Baron  Eothschild's  copses,  the  Chief  of  the  Staff 
brewed  a  new  kind  of  punch  for  the  company  out  of 
champagne,  hot  tea  and  sherry. 

"  In  earlier  days,"  so  the  Chancellor  related  at  Ver- 
sailles, "  I  was  at  the  Letzlingen  hunt,  under  Frederick 
William  IV.,  and  a  '  trick  '  flagon,  dating  from  the  time 
of  Frederick  William  I.,  was  used.  It  was  a  hart's  horn, 
holding  about  three-quarters  of  a  bottle,  and  shaped  so 
that  although  one  could  not  place  one's  lips  in  direct 
contact  with  the  hollow  part,  it  had  to  be  emptied  without 
spilling  a  drop.  The  wine  was  very  cold,  but  I  drank 
it  off,  and  my  white  waistcoat  did  not  even  show  one 
drop  spilt.  The  company  opened  their  eyes,  whilst  I 
called  out,  'Give  me  another!'  But  the  King,  who 
was  visibly  annoyed  at  my  success,  exclaimed,  'No, 
this  must  not  be ! '  And  so  I  gave  it  up.  A  capacity 
for  liquor  was  a  necessary  qualification  for  the  diplo- 
matic service  in  those  days.  Diplomats  drank  the  weak 
heads  under  the  table,  questioned  them  on  important 
matters  they  wanted  to  know,  and  then  made  them 
agree  to  all  sorts  of  impossible  things.  Sometimes  the 
victim  had  to  sign  documents  there  and  then,  and  when 
sober  again  had  no  idea  how  he  had  come  to  do  so." 

Nor  did  Bismarck  despise  tea,  especially  in  the 
evening  during  his  leisure  hours,  when  among  his  staff. 
A  few  cups  of  tea  with  cognac  he  declared  were  good 


In  Lighter  Vein  275 

for  the  health,  and  many  a  tankard  of  cold  tea  formed 
his  refreshment  at  night. 

The  following  documents  illustrate  a  passage  of  arms 
with  a  German  Editor. 

"  November  27, 1878. 

"To  Editor  Stein,  in  Magdebueg. 

"  The  Imperial  Chancellor  has  commissioned 
me  to  inform  you  that,  owing  to  your  letter  of  the  26th 
inst.,  he  is  prepared  to  withdraw  from  the  prosecution 
against  you.  "Will  you  therefore  name  the  Court  which 
has  cognisance  of  this  matter  ? 

"Count  Bismarck, 

"  Court  Assessor." 

The  letter  in  question  ran  as  follows : — 

"  To  His  Serene  Highness  Prince  Bismarck,  at 
Friedrichsruh. 

"  Magdeburg,  November  26, 1878. 

"  Most  Serene  Highness  !    Puissant  Chancellor 
of  the  Empire, 

"  Your  Serene  Highness  has  summoned  me 
on  account  of  an  article  of  mine  in  the  Potsdamer 
Zeitung,  'The  Crown  Prince  as  Imperial  Chancellor.* 
I  did  not  intend  to  insult  your  Serene  Highness.  Did 
I  not  once  call  you  '  My  dear  Otto '  in  a  letter,  thereby 
paying  you  the  highest  honour  it  is  possible  to  pay  to  so 
high-placed  and  famous  a  man  ?  But  now  I  consider  that 
you  have  come  to  the  end  of  your  strength,  which  you 
have  sacrificed  in  the  service  of  the  Fatherland.  In 
your  place  thousands  of  others  would  have  retired  long 


276    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

ago,  for  you  are  nothing  but  a  slave  to  your  exhausting 
position,  whereas  you  might  live  at  your  ease  amongst 
your  memories,  as  a  respected  private  gentleman.  Beatus 
ille  qui  procul  negotiis.  I  had  to  do  six  weeks  in  prison 
for  Herr  Camphausen  (whom  I  attacked  far  more  sharply 
than  your  Serene  Highness) ;  it  was  the  saddest  time  of 
my  life,  and  I  would  not  like  to  go  through  it  again.  I 
therefore  beg  most  humbly  that  you  will  withdraw  from 
the  prosecution.  Will  your  Serene  Highness  consider 
the  enclosed  article,  '  The  Latest  about  Prince  Bismarck,' 
as  a  counterblast  ? 

"  With  the  greatest  admiration, 

"  Your  Serene  Highness's  most  humble  servant, 
"  JoHANN  Friedkich  Stein,  Senior, 

"Editor." 

Fortunately  for  Bismarck  the  following  letter  did  not 
reach  him,  owing  to  the  precautions  taken  in  dealing 
with  postal  packages  despatched  from  infected  areas. 

"Gracious  Sir, 

"Your  Serene  Highness  will  find  in  this 
envelope  a  lock  of  hair  and  two  pieces  of  stuff,  which 
come  from  a  so-called  plague-patient  in  the  now 
notorious  village  of  Wetljanka,  who  died  in  my  presence 
on  the  20th  of  January,  1879.  The  piece  of  linen  was 
cut  from  the  shirt  which  the  deceased  wore  on  his  body 
during  the  tw6nty-two  hours  of  his  illness.  The  piece 
of  cloth  is  from  his  counterpane.  The  articles  in  ques- 
tion have  been  carefully  shut  up  since  the  20th  in  a 
hermetically  sealed  capsule  in  order  that  the  secretions 
with  which  they  are  impregnated  may  be  preserved  as 


In  Lighter  Vein  277 

far  as  possible.  I  permit  myself  to  send  your  Serene 
Highness  the  above-named  articles  in  the  hope  that 
they  may  contribute  in  dissipating  the  exaggerated 
anxiety  which  the  Asiatic  plague  has  evoked  in  Ger- 
many. If,  as  I  am  convinced,  your  Serene  Highness 
does  not  feel  any  discomfort  after  receipt  of  the  enclosed 
(the  effects  can  be  ascertained  after  the  lapse  of  forty- 
eight  hours),  this  argument  will  be  decisive. 
"  I  have  the  honour,  etc., 

"N.  A.,  Citizen  of  Wetljanka." 

On  the  occasion  of  a  visit  to  Jena,  Bismarck  was 
reminded  at  lunch  by  Professor  Delbriick  of  a  saying  of 
his,  "  that  it  is  easier  to  go  through  the  world  without 
feminine  baggage." 

The  Prince  in  reply  seized  the  opportunity  to  explain 
his  meaning. 

"  I  am  very  grateful  to  the  last  speaker  for  the  whole 
of  his  toast,  with  the  exception  of  his  quotation  about 
feminine  baggage.  I  think  there  must  be  some  mis- 
understanding. If  I  made  use  of  the  above-mentioned 
expression  I  could  only  have  meant  the  '  excess  weight ' 
which  one  has  to  fear  when  one  travels  with  ladies 
(laughter).  '  Free  luggage  '  will  always  be  very  agree- 
able. Moreover,  I  am  by  no  means  desirous  of  recom- 
mending celibacy,  since  I  am  far  too  great  an  admirer 
of  the  feminine  sex  for  State,  military,  and  legal  reasons. 

"  In  order  to  rid  myself  the  more  effectually  of  such 
a  suspicion,  I  beg  you  all  to  drink  with  me  to  the  health 
of  the  ladies  present,  both  married  and  single.  May 
they  assist  in  carrying  the  memory  of  to-day  to  their 
homes,  and  impressing  it  on  their  children.     To-day's 


278    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

proofs  of  sympathy  would  have  been  incomplete  without 
the  ladies.  The  fact  that  the  cordial  reception  given 
me  from  Dresden  to  Jena  meets  with  approval  from 
the  ladies  is  to  me  significant  of  the  endurance  of 
the  German  Empire  (applause).  That  which  our  women 
adopt  will  be  defended  by  our  children;  if  they 
are  girls,  in  the  family  circle ;  if  they  are  men,  on  the 
battlefield,  if  needs  be.  With  this  interpretation  to  the 
quotation,  I  drink  to  the  health  of  the  ladies,  as  a 
politician  and  as  an  admirer  of  the  fair  sex." 

In  order  to  show  the  feeling  of  insecurity  of  the  Czar 
of  all  the  Eussias  amongst  his  subjects.  Prince  Bismarck 
related  the  following  anecdote  of  the  Emperor  Nicholas. 

The  Court  physician  had  prescribed  massage  for  some 
ailment  of  the  Czar,  who  however  was  unable  to  find  a 
single  person  in  his  entourage  to  whom  he  cared 
to  entrust  the  task.  At  his  wits'  end,  he  at  last 
applied  to  Frederick  William  IV.  for  a  few  non-com- 
missioned officers  of  the  Prussian  Guard;  these  were 
sent,  and  returned  to  Berlin  after  the  completion  of  the 
rubbing  "  cure,"  heavily  laden  with  presents.  "  So  long 
as  I  can  look  my  Eussians  in  the  face  everything  is 
well,"  Nicholas  is  reported  to  have  said,  "  but  I  will  not 
risk  letting  them  work  away  at  my  back ! " 

It  was  the  Chancellor's  custom  to  invite  the  various 
officials  of  Kissingen  to  dinner  towards  the  end  of  his 
annual  visit,  and,  amongst  those  thus  honoured  was  the 
postmaster  (since  deceased),  who  rejoiced  in  a  very  pro- 
nounced "  corporation."  Prince  Bismarck,  who  esteemed 
the  worthy  postmaster  very  highly,  was  struck  by  the 
marked  development  of  this  bodily  characteristic,  aaid 
inquired  solicitously  after  his  health. 


In  Lighter  Vein  279 

The  flattered  postmaster  thanked  the  Prince  for  his 
kind  inquuy. 

"  To  judge  from  your  looks,  you  must  have  flourished 
especially  of  late  years ;  but  you  do  not  appear  to  have 
adopted  the  right  cure,"  the  Prince  remarked  with  a 
smile. 

"  Oh  yes,  your  Highness  !  I  not  only  go  in  for  the 
cure,  but  I  have  also  employed  many  other  means ;  and 
up  to  now  nothing  has  done  me  any  good." 

"  Well,  I  can  tell  you  of  a  remedy  as  simple  as  it  is 
sure,  and  which  cannot  fail  to  be  of  service." 

"  May  I  ask  your  Highness  to  tell  me  what  it  is  ?  I 
would  ever  be  grateful  for  it,"  replied  the  postmaster. 

The  curiosity  of  the  remainder  of  the  luncheon  party 
had  been  aroused  by  this  conversation,  and  everybody 
listened  attentively  to  hear  of  the  Chancellor's  remedy. 

"  The  remedy  is  not  only  very  simple,  but  it  is  also 
inexpensive — you  need  only  take  over  the  duties  of 
one  of  your  rural  postmen  for  four  weeks,  and  you 
will  surely  be  rid  of  your  burden."  The  postmaster, 
though  at  first  rather  taken  aback,  joined  heartily  in 
the  burst  of  laughter  at  his  own  expense. 
.y'^  A  Kissingen  doctor,  who  also  received  an  invitation 
every  year,  did  not  fare  much  better  than  his  fellow- 
citizen. 

"  I  am  not  feeling  very  well  after  the  Eakoczy  water 
which  I  drank  early  this  morning,"  complained  the  Prince. 

"Your  Highness  had  better  drink  one  glass  less 
to-morrow ;  that  will  certainly  relieve  you,"  ordered  the 
doctor. 

"  That  will  hardly  be  possible,"  quoth  Bismarck. 

"  And  why  will  that  not  be  possible,  your  Highness  ? " 


28o    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

"  For  the  simple  reason  that  I  only  drank  half  a  glass 
this  morning,"  retorted  the  Prince  with  a  smile. 

Princess  Bismarck  was  on  one  occasion  unwell  at 

Varzin,   and   a  certain   Doctor  B was   consulted. 

Though  the  Princess's  condition  was  by  no  means 
serious,  the  doctor  was  asked  to  stay  the  day  and  dine. 
Perhaps  the  Yarzin  wine  was  a  little  stronger  than  he 
was  accustomed  to,  for  he  narrated  the  following  "  true  " 
story :  "  A  peasant  lad  was  once  so  severely  wounded  at 
a  fight  in  a  neighbouring  village,  that  the  top  of  his 
skull  was  completely  shattered  and  the  whole  of  the 
brain  exposed.  I  was  soon  at  hand,  and  used  no  fewer 
than  twenty-five  stitches,  with  which,  after  a  fashion, 
I  mended  his  head ;  thanks  to  my  skill,  however,  he  was 
able  to  resume  w^ork  in  three  days'  time." 

On  repeating  this  veracious  story  on  one  occasion, 
Prince  Bismarck  paused  and  inquired  whether  any 
of  his  guests  happened  to  be  a  town  councillor,  for  in 
that  case  he  would  not  be  able  to  finish  the  story.  As 
every  one  denied  the  soft  impeachment,  the  Prince  con- 
tinued :  "  Of  course  I  pretended  to  have  no  doubt  as  to 

the  truth  of  Doctor  B 's  story,  and  only  said,  *  Well, 

my  dear  doctor,  let  me  tell  you  another  story  which  is 
as  true  as  yours.  A  man  once  went  to  a  well-known 
Berlin  surgeon  and  complained  of  terrible  headaches 
which  he  could  not  get  rid  of.  "  Oh,  we  can  easily  help 
you,"  said  the  celebrated  operator;  "your  complaint  is  due 
to  the  brain,  which  seems  to  be  deficient  in  some  way." 
He  then  loosened  the  top  of  his  skull,  removed  the  brain, 
and  said  to  him,  "  There,  you  won't  be  troubled  with  any 
more  pains  ;  come  again  in  a  few  days  and  you  can  have 
your  brain  put  back  readjusted."     The  good  man  went 


In  Lighter  Vein  281 

home  very  much  relieved  and  pleased.  A  few  days 
passed,  and  as  the  man  did  not  return,  the  surgeon  sent 
a  message  to  him  that  it  was  high  time  to  come  and 
fetch  his  brain.  The  man  sent  back  word  to  the  surgeon, 
"  I  have  since  become  a  town  councillor,  and  have  no 

further  use  for  a  brain." '    Though  Doctor  B joined 

in  the  laugh,  he  nevertheless  hurried  away  as  soon  as 
dinner  was  over,  and  never  again  told  me  any  true 
stories." 

In  the  early  winter  months  of  1892,  Bismarck  enter- 
tained his  guests  at  Varzin  with  many  an  amusing  tale. 

"  At  the  time  I  possessed  no  other  decoration  than 
the  Medal  for  Saving  Life,  the  ribbon  of  which  exactly 
resembles  that  of  the  Fourth  Class  of  the  Eed  Eagle.  I 
was  one  day  walking  quickly  towards  the  station  when 
a  street-boy  called  to  me,  '  Kann  ick  Ihnen  nich  eene 
Droschke  besorjen,  Herr  Baurat  ? '  (Can't  I  get  you  a 
cab,  Mr.  Buildings  Inspector  ?)." 

"  After  I  had  attained  the  rank  of  major,  I  once  went 
out  in  uniform,  when  a  policeman,  thinking  I  was  a 
major  in  active  service,  begged  me  to  disperse  a 
crowd  which  blocked  the  traffic,  and  with  which  he  was 
unable  to  cope.  I  readily  did  so,  but  as  he  seemed  to 
contemplate  further  similar  requests,  I  explained  to  him, 
that  I  was  sorry  to  be  also  the  President  of  the  Prussian 
Ministry,  and  as  such  could  not  place  myself  any  longer 
at  the  disposal  of  a  policeman. 

"  Later  on  I  even  rose  to  the  rank  of  general,  and  one 
day  passed  a  policeman  in  Berlin  who  did  not  salute  me. 
'Don't  you  salute  officers?'  I  asked  him.  'Oh  yes, 
sir,'  he  replied  in  the  innocence  of  his  heart ;  '  but  only 
superior  officers.'     '  Well,  don't  you  count  generals  as 


282    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

superior  officers,  my  good  man  ? '  '  Certainly ;  but  you 
are  not  one.'  '  Perhaps  you  don't  know  that  I  am 
the  (Imperial  Chancellor  ? '  '  No,  how  should  I  know 
that  ? '  he  exclaimed ;  '  I  have  only  just  been  trans- 
ferred to  Berlin  from  the  extreme  East.'  I  was  so 
rejoiced  to  find  that  at  last  there  was  somebody  in 
Berlin  who  did  not  know  me,  that  I  did  not  report  the 
man ! " 

"During  the  war,  the  Grand  Duke  of  Oldenburg 
called  at  Eothschild's  chateau  of  Terrieres  to  pay  me  a 
visit.  'What  does  he  want  here?'  said  my  smartest 
servant  to  another.     '  Has  he  been  announced  ? ' " 

Turning  to  his  wife,  Bismarck  asked,!"  Do  you  remem- 
ber our  excellent  Mecklenburg  servant,  Johanna  ? " 

The  Princess  nodded. 

"  Well,  he  was  for  a  time  with  a  West  Prussian  in 
my  service,"  continued  the  Prince,  turning  to  the  com- 
pany. "  One  day  I  heard  the  two  having  a  lively 
argument  in  the  hall,  and  indulging  in  some  sharp 
sallies.  At  last  my  West  Prussian  played  his  highest 
trump  by  calling  out  contemptuously  to  the  Mecklen- 
burger,  'What  does  he  want— he  hasn't  even  got  a 
King ' "  [Mecklenburg  being  only  a  Grand  Duchy]. 

In  speaking  of  his  dogs,  Sultan  and  Tyras,  Bismarck 
observed  of  the  former,  "  When  I  was  away  from  home 
he  looked  for  me  everywhere  in  deep  dejection.  At 
last  to  comfort  himself  he  seized  my  white  military  cap 
and  my  deerskin  gloves,  carried  them  in  his  mouth  to 
my  study,  and  remained  there  with  his  nose  on  my 
things  until  I  returned.  Old  Tyras  too  was  very  intel- 
ligent and  faithful.  In  going  to  the  Eeichstag  I  used 
to  walk  through  the  garden  behind  the  Chancellor's 


In  Lighter  Vein  283 

palace,  opened  the  gate  to  the  Kouiggratz  Strasse,  and 
had  only  to  turn  to  Tyras  and  say  the  word  '  Eeichstag.' 
The  dog  at  once  hung  his  head  and  tail  and  retired 
dejectedly.  On  one  occasion  I  left  my  stick,  which  I 
could  not  take  with  me  into  the  street  as  I  was  in 
uniform,  on  the  inner  wall  of  the  garden  before  passing 
tlirough  ithe  gate.  After  four  hours  I  returned  from 
the  Eeichstag.  Tyras  did  not,  as  usual,  meet  me  as 
I  entered  the  house,  and  I  asked  the  policeman  where 
the  dog  was.  *  He  has  been  standing  for  four  hours  at 
the  garden  wall  over  there  and  won't  let  any  one  come 
near  your  Highness's  stick  ! '  " 

"Another  time  I  went  for  a  walk  with  Tyras  in 
Varzin,  and  saw  a  load  of  wood  lying  on  a  cart  which  I 
thought  had  been  stolen,  as  it  had  been  freshly  cut. 
I  ordered  the  dog  to  remain  with  the  cart,  and  departed 
to  fetch  a  man  who  could  explain  the  matter.  On 
looking  back  I  saw  that  Tyras  was  quietly  slinking 
after  me.  I  turned  back  and  laid  a  glove  on  the  cart. 
Tyras  then  remained  there  as  if  rooted  to  the  spot." 

In  discussing  old  times  in  Berlin,  the  Prince  mentioned 
a  very  well-known  character,  Cerf,  formerly  director  of 
the  theatre.  One  of  his  peculiarities  was  his  inability 
to  read.  An  "  urgent "  letter  was  one  day  handed  to 
him  at  dinner  with  a  request  for  an  immediate  answer. 
Cerf  looked  at  the  address  for  a  minute,  recognized  the 
handwriting  and  handed  the  missive  to  his  neighbour 
with  the  remark,  "  Aha,  this  is  from  that  funny  fellow  X. 
I  cannot  read  his  writing ;  will  you  kindly  see  what  he 
really  wants  of  me  ?  " 

On  another  occasion  one  of  Cerf  s  guests  asked  the 
following  riddle  at  table :  "  The  first  is  our  host,  the 


284    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

second  is  the  name  of  our  hostess,  and  the  whole  is  to 
be  found  on  this  table."  Cerf  was  indignant  that  such 
a  riddle  should  be  asked  at  his  table,  for  the  solution 
was  obviously  "  Assiette."  His  wife's  name  was  Jette 
and  he  was  not  at  all  grateful  for  the  other  half  of 
the  word.  The  riddle-poser,  whose  orthography  was  not 
his  strongest  point,  then  elaborately  explained  that  he 
had  not  meant  "  assiette  "  at  all,  but  that  the  correct 
answer  was  Oerjiette  (serviette). 

"  As  the  American  Ambassador,  Mr.  Washburne,  had 
protected  the  Germans  in  Paris  during  the  French  war, 
we  wanted  to  present  him  with  a  testimonial,  therefore  I 
had  a  Grand  Cross  of  the  Order  of  the  Crown  made  of  a 
more  costly  pattern  than  had  probably  ever  been  manu- 
factured before.  The  brilliants  alone  cost  1000  friedrichs 
d'or.  But  before  the  Emperor  conferred  it  on  him,  I 
took  the  precaution  to  ask  again  if  he  would  accept  the 
order,  and  received  the  reply  that  it  would  have  to  go  to 
the  Washington  Museum,  as  he  would  not  be  allowed  to 
wear  it.  As  this  was  not  much  to  my  liking  we  kept  it 
for  the  time  being,  and  inquired  by  what  other  means  we 
could  show  him  our  gratitude.  In  reply  he  begged  that 
I  should  sit  to  an  American  artist  for  my  portrait. 
The  latter  arrived,  and  so  I  had  to  sacrifice  myself  on 
the  altar  of  my  country  and  allow  myself  to  be  painted. 
The  artist,  in  real  American  fashion,  did  a  very  good 
stroke  of  business  by  painting  three  portraits  of  me  at 
the  same  time." 

Bismarck  and  Bancroft  were  dining  one  day  with  Herr 
von  der  Heydt,  who  prided  himself  on  the  quantity  and 
quality  of  the  food  offered  to  his  guests.  In  those  days 
(1868)  Bismarck  was  still  in  possession  of  his  marvellous 


In  Lighter  Vein  285 

appetite.  Bancroft,  at  first  amazed,  became  at  last 
anxious  on  seeing  his  friend  twice  partake  largely  of  the 
first  courses.  "Dear  Count,"  he  remarked,  with  a 
world  of  anxiety  in  his  voice,  "  I  believe  there  is  more 
to  come  !  "  "I  should  hope  so,"  replied  Bismarck,  joy- 
fully, and  renewed  the  terrifying  practice  at  the  next 
course. 

In  discussing  the  characteristics  of  the  various  nations 
in  January,  1896,  at  Friedrichsruh,  the  Chancellor 
remarked,  "Bancroft  always  seemed  to  me  to  be  the 
ideal  American  Ambassador.:  His  cultured  repose  of 
manner  struck  me  all  the  more  because  one  of  his 
predecessors  had  caused  me  constant  annoyance  owing 
to  the  inconsiderate  behaviour  of  his  wife.  At  the 
receptions  of  the  diplomatic  corps  she  invariably  took 
up  a  position  in  the  space  reserved  for  the  passage 
of  Eoyalty.  She  stood  like  a  general  in  front  of  the 
diplomatic  battle  array.  One  chamberlain  after  another 
endeavoured  to  lead  her  back  to  her  place  in  the  line, 
but  she  withstood  all  individual  assaults,  and  it  required 
an  army  of  chamberlains,  advancing  in  battle  order,  to 
force  her  to  retire." 

This  military  figure  of  speech  brought  the  conversa- 
tion round  to  the  Prince's  position  in  the  army,  and  the 
cuirass  presented  to  him  by  the  Emperor  (William  II.), 
which  was  then  handed  round  for  inspection.  The 
Prince  related  that  he  had  hardly  ever  worn  a  cuirass, 
and  would;  therefore,  only  wear  this  one  when  he  had 
to  submit  to  the  force  of  circumstances.  He  found  it 
an  uncomfortable  thing  to  wear.  "  The  last  time  I 
dined  at  the  Palace  in  Berlin  some  six  or  seven  officers 
of  my  regiment  were  present,  and  had  to  wear  their 


286    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

cuirasses  during  the  two  or  three  hours  which  dinner 
lasted.  I  sympathized  with  them  all  the  more  because 
I  knew  that  I  was  the  cause  of  what  to  me  seemed 
to  be  torture." 

Sonae  one  then  mentioned  that  the  Emperor  had  also 
dined  in  a  cuirass  at  Friedrichsruh.  The  Prince  replied, 
"  Emperors  must  and  can  do  many  things  that  we  must 
not  and  cannot." 

Part  of  this  conversation  had  been  sustained  in 
English,  which  language  the  Chancellor  had  acquired 
as  a  young  man.  He  then  related  the  following  story, 
which  occurred  during  his  period  in  the  service : — 

"  One  day  I  returned,  dusty  and  dirty  after  my  tour 
of  duty,  direct  to  the  hotel,  where  my  seat  at  table  was 
next  to  those  of  an  English  family  which  had  arrived 
that  day,  and  they  began  to  discuss  my  probable  posi- 
tion by  my  not  very  tidy  exterior.  One  of  the  ladies 
thought  it  impossible  for  me  to  be  an  officer,  and 
yet  my  hand  was  not  that  of  a  private.  I  listened  to 
the  discussion  in  silence.  Suddenly  the  lady  reached 
for  a  mustard-pot.  As  she  was  too  far  from  it,  I  handed 
it  to  her  and  said  i»  my  best  English,  '  It  is  empty ; 
if  you  wish  for  another,  I  will  ask  the  waiter  to  get 
you  a  full  one.*     Tableau ! " 

A  guest  at  Friedrichsruh  (March,  1898)  expressed  his 
astonishment  at  the  large  number  of  pipes  which  the 
Prince  was  able  to  smoke  with  comfort,  whereupon  Bis- 
marck remarked  that  he  had  once  had  a  conversation 
with  an  old  Hanoverian  officer,  who  was  stationed  in  a 
fairly  lonely  post  on  the  frontier.  In  reply  to  a  query 
whether  he  paid  many  visits  to  the  landed  gentry  in  the 
neighbourhood,  the  officer  replied — 


In  Lighter  Vein  287 

"  No,  we  never  visit  them." 

"  "Well,  then,  do  you  play  much  at  cards  ? " 

"  No,  we  don't  play  cards  here/ 

"  Do  you  drink,  then  ? " 

"No,  we  don't  drink  either." 

''  Well,  what  do  you  do  when  you  are  off 
duty  ? " 

"  Always  smoke  !  "  was  the  classic  answer. 

"  Every  great  man,"  observed  the  Chancellor,  "  seems 
to  have  some  flaw  or  other,  just  as  a  good  apple  has  its 
speck. 

"  Alexander  von  Humboldt's  demeanour  was  at  times 
undignified ;  he  was  not  respected  at  Court,  though  I  was 
one  of  the  few  who  treated  him  politely.  He  used  to 
wait  in  the  ante-room  of  King  Frederick  William  IV. 
at  Potsdam  and  at  Sans  Souci  for  hours,  whether  he 
received  a  summons  or  not.  If  the  King  was  not 
inclined  to  see  him,  he  drove  back  to  Berlin  after  hours 
of  waiting.  Old  Field-Marshal  Wrangel,  who  one  day 
showed  some  of  the  ofi&cers  belonging  to  his  East 
Prussian  Kegiment  round  Potsdam  and  took  them 
everywhere,  went  also  to  Sans  Souci  and  saw  Humboldt 
as  usual  in  the  ante-chamber.  Wrangel  then  said  to 
his  officers,  *You  have  seen  His  Majesty's  Chinaman 
and  negro.  I  shall  now  show  you  the  King's  universal 
sage.'  Humboldt  quickly  arose  from  his  armchair  and 
bowed.  Clapping  him  on  the  shoulder,  Wrangel  said, 
'Well,  my  universal  sagelet,  how  are  you?'  What 
Humboldt  did  at  the  Court  was  always  a  mystery  to 
me.  The  x^dte  defoie  gras,  with  which  he  heaped  up  his 
plate,  could  not  have  been  his  object,  for  he  was  rich 
enough  to  be  able  to  eat  it  at  home.    Afterwards  he 


288    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

used  to  go  to  Varnhagen  and  talk  scandal  about  the 
Court  and  its  habitues'' 

Count  Eantzau  one  evening  mentioned  that  old  King 
Leopold  of  Belgium  often  used  to  give  little  parties  at 
the  commencement  of  his  reign.  At  one  of  these  an 
unceremonious  Belgian  dug  him  in  the  ribs,  a  pro- 
ceeding not  unknown  in  convivial  circles ;  this,  how- 
ever, led  to  the  abandonment  of  such  parties.  "  Well, 
that  was  pretty  cool,"  said  Bismarck.  "  I  should  have 
hit  the  person  concerned  on  the  nose  and  said,  'Pass 
the  toast.' " 

Bismarck  then  told  the  following  anecdote  :  "  A  new 
official  who  wanted  to  present  himself  to  Minister  May- 
bach,  met  him  on  the  stairs  of  the  office  and  said, 
'  Have  I  the  pleasure  of  addressing  Herr  Maybach  ?  * 
To  which  the  latter  replied,  '  My  name  is  Maybach,  but 
there  is  no  question  of  "  pleasure  "  about  it ! '" 

On  hearing  of  a  complaint  about  the  quality  of 
Stettin  wine,  Bismarck  said,  "  Yes !  The  conditions 
of  the  wine  trade  in  Stettin  are  curious ;  more  claret  is 
exported  from  there  than  is  imported;  the  difference 
probably  is  made  up  from  the  ditches  of  the  fortress  or 
elsewhere." 

At  dinner  one  day  Bismarck  called  for  some  Hun- 
garian wine  that  Count  Andrassy  had  sent  him  on 
relinquishing  office.  "In  writing  to  thank  him," 
observed  the  Prince,  "  I  added  that  I  hoped  he  would 
often  come  into  and  go  out  of  office,  and  send  me  sixty 
bottles  of  wine  on  each  occasion." 

"  Soldiers  have  a  much  easier  task  than  diplomatists  ; 
they  receive  their  instructions,  and  know  exactly  how  far 
they  have  to  command  and  obey.     I  have  known  many 


In  Lighter  Vein  289 

clever  and  many  stupid  generals,  but  they  never,  or  at 
least  very  rarely,  were  wanting  in  that  tact  which  civilians 
so  often  lack.  I  think  this  must  be  due  to  a  feelincr  of 
comradeship,  which  also  shows  itself  in  their  outward 
demeanour.  For  instance,  in  the  1st  Guards,  this  is 
nothing  less  than  marvellous.  In  society  you  never 
hoar  one  of  them  sneezing  differently  from  the  other ; 
it  is  the  same  throughout  the  army,  and  this  is  the 
reason  why  all  old  generals  resemble  each  other." 

Shortly  after  the  conclusion  of  the  Bohemian  cam- 
paign, a  highly  placed  but  not  very  gifted  general  gave 
a  grand  dinner  to  some  distinguished  friends,  officers 
and  politicians,  Bismarck  included.  The  dinner  was 
served  in  a  large  hall,  lavishly  decorated  with  antlers, 
buffalo  horns,  and  other  sporting  trophies.  When  Bis- 
marck was  about  to  sit  down,  he  observed  to  his  neigh- 
bour who  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  late 
campaign,  at  the  same  time  drawing  his  attention  to  a 
gigantic  trophy  of  ure-ox  horns,  "It  seems.  Excel- 
lency, as  if  we  were  dining  to-day  amongst  the  family 
portraits  of  our  worthy  host." 

■^  "  I  was  at  the  University  with  a  certain  Hesse  of 
Altona,  on  whom  we  once  played  a  practical  joke.  We 
cleared  out  his  room  and  distributed  his  books  and  all 
his  furniture  on  the  stairs,  and  opened  the  novel  *  Schilf 
Levinche'  at  the  passage,  'You  shall  perish  like  the 
black  soul  of  the  black  adder,'  etc.  He  took  pro- 
ceedings against  me  :  every  one  laughed  at  my  defence 
before  the  University  judge  when  I  repeated  all  this 
stuff  out  of  the  book,  and  employed  only  such  phrases 
as  the  above.  Finally  I  got  off  with  a  slight  repii- 
mand." 

U 


290    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

Prince  Bismarck  was  once  asked  whether  he  would 
have  preferred  any  other  education  to  that  of  a  Prussian 
"  gymnasium." 

"  Where  should  that  have  been  ? "  inquired  the  Prince  ; 
"  in  France,  in  Switzerland,  or  at  a  school  in  a  small 
German  State  ?  I  am  greatly  in  favour  of  a  classical 
education,  and  I  regret  that  French  should  now  be 
taught  at  the  expense  of  Latin.  But  in  the  develop- 
ment of  character  much  depends  on  the  period  and  the 
surroundings.  I  left  the  Gymnasium  an  Atheist  and 
Eepublican.  We  believed  jm  Plato.  I  always  had  a 
strong  passion  for  liberty  and  equality.  Indeed,  I 
remember  quite  distinctly,  when  I  was  ten  years  old, 
that  one  of  my  school-fellows  was  put  under  the  pump  in 
the  playground,  and  that  the  idea  then  struck  me,  Why 
shouldn't  we  some  day  attempt  the  same  with  our 
master,  for  united  we  should  have  the  power  to  do  so. 
On  another  occasion,  when  our  ostler  was  called  to  the 
reserve,  I  wondered  why  the  King,  one  single  man, 
should  have  the  power  not  only  to  call  up  people  against 
their  will,  but  also  to  enforce  obedience." 

In  discussing  the  activity  of  Privy  Councillors,  Bis- 
marck said,  "  We  shall  be  ruined  by  examinations ;  the 
majority  of  those  who  pass  them  are  mentally  so  run 
down  that  they  are  incapable  of  any  initiative  ever 
afterwards.  They  take  up  a  negative  attitude  towards 
everything  that  is  submitted  to  them,  and,  what  is 
worst  of  all,  th^y  have  a  great  opinion  of  their  capa- 
bilities because  they  once  passed  all  their  examinations 
successfully." 

The  extreme  care  exercised  by  the  Prince  regarding 
his  beloved  trees  at  Yarzin  is  shown  by  the  following 


In  Lighter  Vein  291 

occurrence.  During  a  drive  one  day  he  noticed  that 
a  workman  engaged  in  laying  a  telegraph  wire  was  coolly 
sawing  the  branches  off  a  tree  because  they  were  in  his 
way.  Annoyed  by  such  sacrilege,  Bismarck  stopped 
and  severely  reprimanded  the  man,  who  excused  him- 
seK  by  saying  it  was  done  in  accordance  with  the 
engineer's  instructions.  The  Prince  found  out  the 
engineer's  name,  and  sent  word  that  he  was  to  come  to 
the  manor  at  once.  Somewhat  anxious  about  the  possible 
result  of  the  unsought-for  interview,  the  engineer  duly 
presented  himself  before  the  Iron  Chancellor.  Now,  it 
happened  that  this  particular  engineer  was  of  gigantic 
build  both  in  height  and  breadth.  Bismarck's  first 
question  was,  "  What  regiment  did  you  serve  in  ? "  "  In 
the  Guards,  your  Highness."  "Flank  file?"  "Yes, 
your  Highness."  "Eank?"  "Eetired  sergeant."  A 
few  more  military  questions  followed  before  the  Prince 
came  to  the  real  cause  of  the  interview,  when  the 
engineer  candidly  admitted  his  offence.  The  Prince 
was  appeased  and  invited  his  visitor  to  lunch,  "  in 
order  to  talk  about  the  Service." 

The  Prince  was  always  unwilling  to  have  a  tree  cut 
down,  and  was  really  grieved  when  he  had  to  issue 
orders  for  the  removal  of  one  of  his  "  friends."  One  day 
a  Danish  forester  in  his  service  rushed  up  to  him  whilst 
he  was  out  riding,  and  exclaimed  in  his  Danish  dialect, 
"  I  must  make  a  confession.  I  have  passed  over  a  tree ; 
it  was  marked  to  be  cut  down,  but  it  was  seu  soil 
(so  beautiful),  and  so  I  let  it  stand."  "  Well,"  replied 
Bismarck,  "  if  it  is  seu  son,  you  may  leave  it  standing 
in  peace ! " 

Mr.  John  Booth  had  repeatedly  urged  the  Prince  to 


292    Conversations  with  Prince  Bismarck 

thin  out  some  plantations  which  had  grown  too  dense, 
but  the  necessary  action  had  not  been  taken.  Booth 
thus  describes  the  fate  of  another  attempt. 

"I  led  the  conversation  towards  that  topic  as 
soon  as  the  soup  was  handed  round.  Bismarck,  in 
a  loud  voice,  causing  all  conversation  to  cease, 
said,  '  My  plantation  is  not  to  be  touched ;  it  is  a 
forest-plantation,  and  is  to  grow  like  a  forest.'  Know- 
ing that  I  was  in  the  right,  I  did  not  wish  to  be 
trumped  like  that,  and  remarked  firmly  yet  gently,  '  I 
beg  your  Highness's  pardon,  it  is  a  protective-  and 
not  a  forest-plantation — to  afford  you  protection  from 
the  west  wind.  If  nothing  is  done,  the  interior  and 
lower  portions  of  the  plantation  will  become  bare,  and 
the  purpose  of  its  existence  will  not  be  fulfilled.  It  is, 
I  venture  to  repeat,  a  protective-  and  not  a  forest- 
plantation.'  The  Prince  left  my  remonstrances  unan- 
swered, and  the  subject  was  not  pursued  for  the  time 
being.  But  whilst  we  were  smoking  after  dinner 
he  had  the  matter  explained  to  him  again.  ...  As  I 
was  taking  my  leave,  Bismarck  stood  up,  took  both  my 
hands,  and  said  with  his  sunniest  smile,  '  Dear  Mr. 
Booth,  I  have  had  to  allow  my  own  doctor  to  tyrannize 
over  me  so  much  of  late,  that  I  must  needs  allow  my 
tree-doctor  to  do  the  same.'  " 

^  Even  the  neuralgic  pains  to  which  the  Prince  was  a 
martyr  were  powerless  to  repress  his  humour.  Once  he 
complained  to  a  'friend  on  leaving  the  luncheon-table 
with  its  display  of  wine-bottles,  "  Two  things  have 
afforded  me  especial  pleasure  in  life — politics  and  wine. 
Politics  I  may  not  touch  any  more,  and  now  Schweninger 
has  forbidden  wine." 


In  Lighter  Vein  293 

Bismarck's  delight  in  a  good  glass  of  wine  is  shown 
by  another  jest  that  fell  from  his  lips  only  a  few  weeks 
before  his  death.  "  I  would  willingly,"  said  he,  with  a 
melancholy  smile,  "  leave  everything  to  my  heirs — my 
estates,  my  money,  but  I  grudge  them  my  wine-cellar." 


INDEX 


Albrecht    of     Prussia,    Prince, 

197 
Alexander    II.    of    Russia,    66, 

265 
Alexander  III.  of  Russia,  156 
Alexander   of   Battenberg,  145, 

146 
Alsace,  19,  49,  97,  213 
America,  37,  111,  171,  239 
Andrassy,  Count,  219,  220,  288 
Arapoflf,  109 
Amim,  Count    Harry,    69,  101, 

102,  248,  249,  250 
Augusta,  Empress  and    Queen, 

184,  186 
Austria-Hungary,  80-82,  87,  88, 

90-92,  140,  142,  145,  146,  199, 

213,  219,  224,  227 


B 


Bagamoyo,  150,  151 
Bamberger,  Ludwig,  2,  3 
Bancroft,  Mr.,  284 
Bavaria,  3,  55,  93,  119-125,  126, 

130,  133, 137-140, 194,  214 
Bazaine,  Marshal,  14,  18,  29,  35 
Beaconsfield,  Lord,  228 


Beethoven,  151 

Belfort,  49,  52,  53,  67 

Belgium,  81,  86,  239 

Benedetti,  Count,  3,  96,  213 

Benningsen,  von,  171 

Berlin  Congress,  108 

Beust,  Count,  93,  219,  265 

Bewer,  Max,  147 

Biarritz,  75,  76,  80,  81,  84 

Bismarck,   Count  Herbert,  109, 
110, 174,  237,  260 

Bismarck,  Count  William,    150, 
257-259 

Bismarck,    Countess    Marie,  84, 
109 

Bismarck,    Princess,    109,    110, 

112 
Bleichroder,  Baron,  51,  250,  255 
Blumenthal,  General  von,  5 
Bluntschli,  222 
Bodelsohwingh,  von,  247,  248 
Boers,  236 
Booth,  John,  105,  107,  109,  110, 

112,  115,  227,  291 
Boyer,  General,  25-30,  35 
Brockdorff-Ascheberg,  109 
Bucher,  Lothar,  124,  125,  255 
Bulgaria,  144,  145 
Burnside,  General,    18,    19,  26, 

37 
Busch,  Moritz,  4, 12,  220,  287 


296 


Index 


Camphausen,  114 

Caprivi,  Count,  127,  153, 160, 163, 

176 
Carolath,  171 

Oastelnau,  General,  5,  10,  14 
Cerf,  Director,  283 
Ohambard,  Count,  etc.,  34 
Chamberlain,  Jos.,  224 
China,  174-179,  242 
Christian  IX.,  King,  79 
Chrysander,  Dr.,  117 
Cochery,  M.,  40,  41,  48 
Commune,  Paris,  58 


Delbruck,  114,  171 
Denmark,  78-80,  96 
d'Hautpoul,  General,  47 
Drouyn  de  L'Huys,  80 
Ducrot,  General,  43 


E 


Emin  Pasha,  150 

England,  8,  87,  103, 133, 170, 171, 

173,  225,  227,  235,  241 
Eugenie,  Empress,  14,  15,  27,  28, 

83 
Eugenie,  Villa,  77,  80 


Fabri,  Inspector,  235,  236 
Faure,  Felix,  179,  180 
Faure,  General,  5 


Pavre,  Jules,  15-18,  22, 26, 43-49, 

51,52,54,55,60,61,65,69,71, 

73,  74,  236 
Forbes,  Colonel,  18 
Francis  Joseph,    Emperor,    143, 

199 
Franckenstein,  Minister,  139, 140 
Frankfort-on-the-Main,  57 
Frederick,  Duke    of   Augusten- 

burg,  79 
Frederick   Charles,    Prince,    17, 

26 
Frederick  III.,  Emperor,  12,  21 
Frederick,  William,  186, 192,  201, 

209,  287 


Gambetta,  Leon,  20 

Garibaldi,  48 

Gastein  Convention,  80 

Gero,  Margrave,  12 

Goethe,  151 

Goltz,  von  der,  80 

Gontaut,  Baron  de,  102 

Gortschakoff,  Prince,  39,  66,  88, 

90,91,107,141,156,218 
Goulard,  M.,  69 
Grammont,  Due  de,  90 
Granville,  Lord,  54 


Hahnke,  General,  154 
Hansen,  Jules,  78 
Harden,  Maximilian,  179, 185 
Hardenberg,  94 
Hartmann,  General  von,  1 
Hatzfeldt,  Count,  16,  69,  259 


I 


Index 


297 


Hegel,  148 

Hegel,  Councillor,  253 

Henckel,  Count,  51 

Heydt,  von  der,  95, 248 

Hoffmann,  114 

Hohenlohe  -  Schillingsfurst, 

Prince,  140, 176 
Holnstein,  Count,  194,  195 
Humboldt,  Alexander  von,  287 


Ireland,  131,  223 
Itzenplitz,  Count  von,  247 


Japan,  223 
Jesse,  Madame,  269 
Jewo,  163-166 
Jokai,  Maurus,  104 


K 

Karolyi,  Count,  109 
Keudell,  von,  255 
Kingston,  W.  Beatty,  85,  97 
Kissingen,  117,  254 
Kleser,  Hans,  152,  158,  163 
Kneipp,  Pfarrer,  122 
Koaiggratz,  212 
Kriiger,  President,  171,  172 


Lasker,  113,  262,  263 

Latour,  Y.,  90 

Lenbach,  Franz,  114,  115, 167 


Leopold  of  Belgium,  288 

Li  Hung  Chang,  173 

Lorraine,  97-99 

Louis  n.,  King,    134,  137,   138, 

194 
Louisa,  Queen,  196 
Lucanus,  Privy  Councillor,  155 
Luitpold,  Prince  Regent,  134 
Lutz,  Minister,  139 


Manteuffel,  General  von,  209 
Maybach,  Minister,  288 
Mecklenburg,  Grand    Duke   of, 

264 
Memminger,  Anton,  117 
Merimee,  Prosper,  83 
Metz,  15,  17-19,  25,  26,  29,  30, 

35,  41,  42,  49,  52,  97,  98 
Moltke,  Field  Marshal,  5,  6,  10- 

12,  27,  33,  46,  52,  53,  97,  158, 

183,  199,  208,  211,  216,  266 
Montenegro,  144 
Moustier,  De,  91 
Mouy,  Count,  109 
Miihler,  Councillor  von.  251,  252 
Muravieff,  Count,  180 


N 


Napoleon,  Prince  Jerome,  44 
Napoleon,  Prince  Louis,  13 
Napoleon  III.,  9,  10,  13,  30,  34, 

35,  80,  89,  135,  213,  216-218 
Nesselrode,  Count,  107 
Nicholas,  Czar,  179 
Nobiling,  Dr.,  4 


298 


Index 


Orcet,  Captain  d',  5 
Orloff,  Prince,  76 


Panizza,  Major,  144 
Pictri,  14 
Pius  IX.,  135 
Podbielski,  General  von,  2 
Poidevin,  M.,  37 
Poles,  214,  235 
Pouyer-Quertier,  56,  57,  70 


Q 


Quistorp,  Lieut.-General  von,  196 


K 


Rameau,  M.,  Mayor,  19-21,  24, 

25, 31,  32,  34-36 
Rantzau,  Count,  167,  288 
Regnier,  13-18 
Remusat,  M.,  40 
Richter,  183,  258 
Roon,  Count,   2,    153,  203,   208, 

211,  247,  248,  251-253 
Rothschild,  54,  255 
Rouher,  90 

Russell,  Lady  Emily,  99 
Russell,  Lord  Odo,  54 
Russia,  36,  65,  88,  92,  96,  104, 

107,   110,   141,  145,  156,   159, 

180,  181,  218,  227 


Saxony,  King  of,  189 
Schmitz,  General,  46 
Schuvaloflf,  Count,  106,  180 
Schweninger,  Dr.,  121,  122,  173, 

177,  292 
Sedan,  4,  28,  216,  269 
Senfft  von  Pilsach,  149 
Sheridan,  General,  26,  37 
Spinoza,  148 
Stanley,  H.  M.,  150 
Stein,  Editor,  276 
Stolberg,  Count,  94 
Strassburg,  25,  98 
Sultan,  the,  173 


Thiers,  37-42,  48,  49,  51-55,  62, 

71-73,  100-103,  249 
Thun,  Count,  267 
Tiedemann,  258 
Trochu,  General,  37,  44,  46 
Tseng,  Marquis,  176 
Turkey,  143,  173,  223-225 
"Tyras,"  119,282 


Uhrlcli,  General,  14 
Ulbach,  Louis,  4 


Varzin,  153,  256,  270,  280,  281, 
290 


Index 


299 


Vincke,  von,  184-187 
Virchow,  Professor,  215 


W 


Wagener,  Hermann,  256,  257 
Washburne,  Mr.,  284 
Werner,  Anton,  219 
Wetljanka,  277 

Whitman,  Sidney,  Introduction 
William  I.,  27,  28,  33,  57,  79,  80, 
159,  160,  166,   184,   185,   186, 


188,   189,  194,  195,  199,  200, 

202-205,  208,  255,  256 
William  II.,  123,  126,  153,  160 
WimpflFen,  General,  5,  6, 10,  11 
Windhorst,  Dr.,  153, 154 
Wissman,  Major,  150,  244 
Wrangel,  Field  Marshal,  287 


Zanzibar,  150 
Zeddeler,  Baron,  188 


THE  END 


LONDOK :  PBIKTBD  BT  WILLIAK  CLOWES  AND  SONS,  LOf  ITBIS 
8TAXF0BD  8TBBET  AKD  CHABIKO  CROSS. 


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